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‘La justice est pleine de charité’, ou la ‘révélation’ d'Émile Durkheim vue par Gaston Richard “正义充满慈善”,或者加斯顿·理查德眼中的埃米尔·迪尔凯姆的“启示”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260104
C. Rol
Gaston Richard was not only among the first to be informed of the ‘revelation’ that Durkheim announced about his reading of William Robertson Smith in 1895. Among all the Durkheimians, Richard was alone in publicly declaring himself on the matter. The radical nature of his witness went far beyond the fact of calling into question the date as well as the subject of this ‘revelation’. For Richard, the constitution of Durkheim's religious sociology was ultimately ‘only a moment from a more ample study’ about obligation. The originality of his analysis derives as much from the fact of having seen the main source of Durkheim's inspiration in the neo-criticism of Charles Renouvier (parts 1 and 2) as from having criticized Durkheim's state-sociology, which was, if not the conclusion, then at least its political translation (part 3).Gaston Richard ne fut pas seulement aux toutes premières loges de la ‘révélation’ dont Durkheim fit part au sujet de sa lecture de William Robertson Smith, en 1895. De tous les durkheimiens, il fut encore le seul à s'y prononcer publiquement. La radicalité de son témoignage ira bien au-delà du fait de remettre en cause la date tout autant que l'objet de cette ‘révélation’ : pour Richard, la constitution de la sociologie religieuse durkheimienne ne fut en définitive ‘rien qu'un moment d'une étude beaucoup plus ample’ sur l'obligation. L'originalité de son analyse tient autant au fait d'en avoir vu la source d'inspiration majeure dans le néo-criticisme de Charles Renouvier (parties 1 & 2) que dans celui d'avoir critiqué la sociologie durkheimienne de l'État, qui en était sinon la conclusion, du moins la traduction politique (partie 3).
加斯顿·理查德不仅是第一个得知迪尔凯姆在1895年阅读威廉·罗伯逊·史密斯时宣布的“启示录”的人。在所有迪尔凯米安人中,理查德独自一人公开宣布自己的立场。他的证人的激进性质远远超出了要求日期作为“启示录”主题的事实。对理查德来说,迪尔凯姆宗教社会学的宪法最终只是“对义务进行更广泛研究的一刻”。加斯顿·理查德(Gaston Richard)不仅站在迪尔凯姆在1895年阅读威廉·罗伯逊·史密斯(William Robertson Smith)时分享的“启示录”的最前沿,他分析的独创性还从查尔斯·雷诺维尔(Charles Renouvier)的新批评(第1部分和第2部分)中看到了迪尔凯姆灵感的主要来源,也从批评迪尔凯姆的国家社会学中得出,如果不是结论,那么至少是政治翻译(第3部分)。在所有迪尔凯米人中,他仍然是唯一一个公开发言的人。他的证词的激进性将远远超出对这一“启示”的日期和主题的质疑:对理查德来说,迪尔凯姆宗教社会学的构成最终只是“对义务进行更广泛研究的时刻”。他的分析的独创性在于,他在查尔斯·雷诺维尔(Charles Renouvier)的新批判主义(第1部分和第2部分)中看到了它的主要灵感来源,并批评了迪尔凯姆国家社会学,如果不是结论,至少是政治翻译(第3部分)。
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引用次数: 0
Modi's Journey from a Chowkidar (Watchman) to Great God 莫迪从守望者到上帝之旅
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260108
A. Raja
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Damodardas Modi uses self-reflexive symbols. He called himself Watchman and weaved a campaign around it. This article sees Modi's campaign alongside Durkheim's The Elementary Forms of Religious Life: emergence of Modi's Watchman image as a totem, emergence of a clan of believers, collective effervescence, coming of a civilising hero, and Modi becoming a great god. The totem and the clan ‘disappeared’ on the last day of the elections. Only the great god remained to resurrect in millions of banners in public spaces saying: ‘Thank you, PM Modi’. This journey of this Dionysian election campaign with emotive symbols and meticulously planned spectacles built an illusion of a society with religion in its elementary form replacing the modern society for the election period.
印度总理纳伦德拉·达莫达斯·莫迪使用了自我反射的符号。他称自己为“守望者”,并围绕这一点编织了一场运动。本文将莫迪的运动与涂尔干的《宗教生活的基本形式》放在一起:莫迪的守望者形象作为图腾的出现,信徒氏族的出现,集体的振奋,文明英雄的到来,莫迪成为伟大的神。图腾和氏族在选举的最后一天“消失”了。只有这位大神在公共场所的数百万条横幅上复活了,横幅上写着:“谢谢你,莫迪总理”。这场酒神式的竞选之旅以情感符号和精心策划的场面营造了一种幻觉,即一个以宗教为基本形式的社会在选举期间取代了现代社会。
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引用次数: 0
From Durkheim to Jellinek 从涂尔干到耶利内克
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260102
Jean-Louis Halpérin
In his 1887 report about the positivist science of morals in Germany, Durkheim referred to two books: Der Zweck im Recht by Rudolf von Jhering and Die socialetische Bedeutung von Recht, Unrecht und Strafe by Georg von Jellinek. Despite the absence of commentary from Durkheim about this 1878 book from the ‘young’ Jellinek (later known as a master of public law), the analysis of this dissertation (rejected by the University of Vienna) shows that it contained a claim for a social-science-inspired understanding of crime and penalty and had some points of contact with Durkheim's argumentation, notably about the importance of religious feelings in the social reaction against crimes. The article proposes to deepen this comparison between Jellinek's and Durkheim's books with an investigation about their indirect sources.
在他1887年关于德国实证主义道德科学的报告中,迪尔凯姆提到了两本书:鲁道夫·冯·耶林的《道德之路》和格奥尔格·冯·耶利内克的《社会之路、道德之路和战略》。尽管迪尔凯姆对“年轻的”耶利内克(后来被称为公法硕士)1878年出版的这本书没有评论,但对这篇论文(被维也纳大学拒绝)的分析表明,它包含了一种社会科学启发的对犯罪和惩罚的理解的主张,并且与迪尔凯姆的论点有一些联系,特别是关于宗教情感在社会对犯罪的反应中的重要性。本文建议通过对耶利内克和迪尔凯姆的间接来源的调查来加深对他们著作的比较。
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引用次数: 0
Émile Durkheim et la sociologie des religions emile迪尔凯姆与宗教社会学
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260106
Catherine Fhima, R. Lardinois
This article examines Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss's Essay on the nature and function of sacrifice, published in the second volume of L'Année sociologique edited by Durkheim. By focussing on the comparative method used by Hubert and Mauss to compare the civilisations of ancient India and Israel, we can trace how Durkheim gradually elaborated upon the sociology of religions and the subject of sacrifice. Two sociological concepts are used to analyse this intellectual exchange. First, the notion of ‘configuration’, following Norbert Elias, that is understood as a space of mutual dependence and interaction in which authors, journals, disciplines and academic institutions participate. Second, the notion of ‘a conversational space’, borrowed from Erving Goffman, that formed among Émile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss, Henri Hubert and Sylvain Lévi. We contend that the writing and thinking of sacrifice in Hubert and Mauss's essay was marked by the different backgrounds to which these four scholars belonged—three Jews and one Christian—while at the same time they were committed in the name of justice and equality to the defence of Captain Dreyfus, seen as an ‘expiatory victim’.Le but de cet article est d'étudier la fabrique de l'ouvrage d'Henri Hubert et de Marcel Mauss, Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice, paru en 1899 dans le deuxième volume de L'Année sociologique éditée par Émile Durkheim. On montre que ce mémoire est le résultat des échanges intellectuels entre Henri Hubert, Marcel Mauss, Émile Durkheim et Sylvain Lévi, ce dernier ayant fourni aux auteurs de l'essai une analyse du sacrifice védique qui structure leur modèle. On mobilise deux outils sociologiques : premièrement, la notion de configuration, empruntée à Norbert Elias et, deuxièmement, celle d'ordre conversationnel que l'on doit à Erving Goffman. On soutient que l'Essai sur le sacrifice témoigne d'une écriture de la différence à laquelle participent trois savants juifs et un savant de culture chrétienne, ces quatre personnes étant par ailleurs engagées dans la défense du capitaine Dreyfus au nom de la justice et de l'égalité.
本文回顾了亨利·休伯特(Henri Hubert)和马塞尔·莫斯(Marcel Mauss)关于牺牲的性质和功能的文章,该文章发表在迪尔凯姆编辑的《社会学年》第二卷。通过关注休伯特和莫斯用于比较古印度和以色列文明的比较方法,我们可以追溯迪尔凯姆是如何逐渐发展宗教社会学和牺牲主题的。两个社会学概念用于分析这种知识交流。首先,诺伯特·埃利亚斯(Norbert Elias)之后的“配置”概念被理解为作者、期刊、学科和学术机构参与的相互依赖和互动空间。第二,由欧文·戈夫曼(Erving Goffman)借来的“对话空间”概念,由埃米尔·迪尔凯姆(Émile Dirkheim)、马塞尔·莫斯(Marcel Mauss)、亨利·休伯特(Henri Hubert)和西尔万·莱维(Sylvain Lévi)形成。我们认为,休伯特和莫斯的文章中对牺牲的写作和思考受到了不同背景的影响,这四位学者——三位犹太人和一位基督徒——同时以正义和平等的名义致力于捍卫德雷福斯上尉,被视为“赎罪受害者”1899年发表在埃米尔·迪尔凯姆编辑的《社会学年》第二卷。这本回忆录是亨利·休伯特(Henri Hubert)、马塞尔·莫斯(Marcel Mauss)、埃米尔·迪尔凯姆(Émile Dirkheim)和西尔万·莱维(Sylvain Lévi)之间知识交流的结果,后者为文章作者提供了对吠陀牺牲的分析,构建了他们的模型。我们使用了两种社会学工具:第一,从诺伯特·埃利亚斯(Norbert Elias)那里借用的配置概念,第二,我们从欧文·戈夫曼(Erving Goffman)那里获得的对话秩序概念。有人认为,关于牺牲的文章证明了三位犹太学者和一位基督教学者参与的差异写作,这四位学者以正义和平等的名义为德雷福斯上尉辩护。
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引用次数: 1
Crime et religion chez Durkheim 犯罪与宗教,迪尔凯姆
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260103
M. Béra
There is an immediate chronological link between Durkheim's criminology courses on crime and punishment, taught between 1892 and 1894, and his first course in religious sociology (1894–1895). Both are included in the cycles of ‘General Physics of Law and Morals’. Beyond this observation, the emphasis here is on six points that intellectually connect the two fields of study, always analyzed separately by the commentators of his work. Crime is in itself a means of revealing social solidarity, and the religion that carries it. The penalty is at the articulation between criminal law and religion. The evolution of penalty marks the progressive elimination of the religious substance of modern criminal laws. Durkheim outlines a theory of the sacred by reflecting on the respect and authority of the law. There are also suggestive digressions that link the tattoos of criminals to the institution of totemism. Finally, his typology of crimes is an opportunity to transform religion into an ‘explanatory variable’, rather than a ‘variable to be explained’.Il existe un lien chronologique entre les cours de criminologie de Durkheim sur le crime et la peine en 1892–1894 et son premier cours de sociologie religieuse, dit de la révélation (1894–1895), qui se succèdent sans transition. Les deux domaines s'inscrivent d'ailleurs dans les cycles de ‘Physique générale du droit et des mœurs.’ Au-delà de ce constat, cet article met l'accent sur six points qui relient intellectuellement les deux domaines d'études, toujours analysés séparément par les commentateurs de son œuvre. Le crime est en soi un moyen de révéler la solidarité sociale et la religion qui la porte. En outre, la pénalité est le lieu d'articulation entre le droit pénal et la religion. Quant aux les ‘lois de l'évolution pénale’, elles manifestent l'élimination progressive de la substance religieuse des droits criminels modernes. Durkheim esquisse dans sa sociologie criminelle une théorie du sacré en réfléchissant au respect et à l'autorité de la loi, qui est transcendante. On évoque également les digressions suggestives dans lesquelles il rattache les tatouages des criminels à l'institution du totémisme. Enfin, on montre que sa typologie des crimes est l'occasion de transformer la religion en ‘variable explicative’, plutôt qu'en ‘variable à expliquer’, ce qui ne manque pas de lui conférer une objectivité scientifique considérable.
迪尔凯姆在1892年至1894年间开设的犯罪学课程——犯罪与惩罚——与他的第一门宗教社会学课程(1894年至1895年)之间存在着直接的时间联系。两者都包含在“法律和道德的一般物理”的循环中。除了这些观察之外,本书的重点是将这两个研究领域在智力上联系起来的六个要点,这些要点总是由他的著作的评论者分别分析。犯罪本身是揭示社会团结的一种手段,以及承载这种团结的宗教。刑罚是刑法与宗教的结合点。刑罚的演变标志着现代刑法中宗教实质的逐步消解。迪尔凯姆通过对法律的尊重和权威的反思,勾勒出一种神圣的理论。还有一些暗示性的离题,将罪犯的纹身与图腾崇拜制度联系起来。最后,他的犯罪类型学是将宗教转变为一个“解释变量”的机会,而不是一个“需要解释的变量”。在1892-1894年,迪尔凯姆的犯罪学课程和他的犯罪学课程,以及他的社会学和宗教研究课程,以及他的社会和宗教研究课程(1894-1895),以及他的成功转型。这两个领域是'inscrivent ' d'ailleurs ',这两个周期是'体质'。“我认为,这篇文章符合我的观点,我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:我的论点是:犯罪是一种社会团结,是一种社会团结,是一种宗教团结,是一种社会团结。当然,这是一种与宗教相结合的方式。Quant aux ' les les ' lois de l' samvolution psamnale ', le manifestl '。迪尔凯姆从社会学的角度来看,他认为犯罪是一种社会犯罪,他认为犯罪是一种社会犯罪,他认为犯罪是一种社会犯罪,他认为犯罪是一种社会犯罪。在关于薪金和薪金的问题上,“薪金和薪金的离题”表明,“薪金和薪金的离题”是指,“薪金和薪金的离题”是指,“薪金和薪金的离题”是指犯罪的离题。最后,在montre que sa pologie des crimes上,我们将“改变宗教的场合”改为“可变的解释”,plutôt qu'en“可变的解释”,我们将“qui ne manque pas de lui confencer one objectivit scientifique considable”。
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Revelation’ in Durkheim's Sociology of Religion 涂尔干《宗教社会学》中的“启示”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260107
W. Miller
What was the nature of the ‘revelation’ and of the appreciation of William Robertson Smith that, in 1907, Émile Durkheim dated to 1895? This article tracks new developments in his thought after 1895, including an emphasis on creative effervescence. But there was also continuity, involving a search for origins that used the ethnology of a living culture to identify early human socioreligious life with totemism in Australia. It is this continuity, at the core of his thought after 1895, which helps to bring out the nature of his ‘revelation’ and of his homage to Robertson Smith. It also highlights a problem with his start from an already complex Australian world, yet without a suitable evolutionary perspective available to him. However, a modern re-reading can reinstate Durkheim's interest in origins, in a story of hominin/human evolution over millions of years.
在1907年,Émile迪尔凯姆追溯到1895年的威廉·罗伯逊·史密斯的“启示”和欣赏的本质是什么?这篇文章追踪了1895年之后他思想的新发展,包括对创造性泡沫的强调。但也有连续性,包括对起源的研究,利用现存文化的民族学,将澳大利亚的早期人类社会宗教生活与图腾崇拜联系起来。正是这种连续性,1895年后他思想的核心,有助于揭示他的“启示”的本质,以及他对罗伯逊·史密斯的敬意。这也凸显了一个问题:他从一个已经很复杂的澳大利亚世界出发,却没有一个合适的进化视角。然而,现代的重新阅读可以恢复迪尔凯姆对起源的兴趣,在数百万年的人类进化故事中。
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引用次数: 0
Il faut traiter les faits religieux comme des choses 宗教事实必须被视为事物
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260101
M.-A. Béra
First, we return to the question of ‘revelation’ that has never been taken as an object of research. There has always been reluctance to take it seriously. However, Durkheim changed his thematic and theoretical perspectives from 1897, focusing on religious facts. Second, we explain how to treat revelation as a ‘thing’, as an object of research, insisting on the exegetical method by positioning ourselves prior to the emergence of ‘revelation’ (1895) to identify the paths that were decisive for Durkheim. All the articles in the special issue follow this approach. Third, we show how Durkheim went about ‘treating religious facts as things’, via the comparative method: by comparing the objectification of religion in other disciplines (history, law, psychology, philosophy), to arrive at a sociological synthesis; by comparing religious facts (and especially sacrifice) within different religions. The six articles in the special issue demonstrate the importance of the comparative method in social science. They ought to be compared with each other.Dans un premier temps, nous revenons sur la question de la révélation en rappelant qu'elle n'a jamais été traitée comme un objet de recherche à part entière. Il y a toujours eu des réticences à la prendre au sérieux. Pourtant, dans les faits, à partir de 1897, Durkheim a bien changé d'optiques, thématique et théorique, en ne s'intéressant plus qu'aux faits religieux. Dans un second temps, nous expliquons comment traiter la révélation ‘comme une chose’, en insistant sur la méthode exégétique, en se positionnant en amont de la révélation (1895), pour repérer les cheminements décisifs de Durkheim. Tous les articles du dossier suivent cette voie. Dans un troisième temps, nous montrons comment Durkheim s'y est pris pour ‘traiter les faits religieux comme des choses’1, via la méthode comparative : en comparant l'objectivation du religieux telle qu'elle était proposée par les autres disciplines (histoire, droit, psychologie, philosophie, ethnologie…), puis en comparant les faits religieux (et spécialement le sacrifice) entre différentes religions. Les six articles du dossier démontrent l'importance de la méthode comparative en science sociale. Ils doivent eux-mêmes être comparés entre eux.
首先,我们回到了“启示录”的问题,它从未被视为研究的对象。人们总是不愿意认真对待这件事。然而,迪尔凯姆从1897年开始改变了他的主题和理论观点,专注于宗教事实。第二,我们解释了如何将启示视为“事物”,作为研究的对象,坚持在“启示”(1895年)出现之前定位自己的执行方法,以确定迪尔凯姆的决定性路径。特别问题中的所有文章都遵循以下方法。第三,我们展示了迪尔凯姆如何通过比较方法“将宗教事实视为事物”:通过比较其他学科(历史、法律、心理学、哲学)中宗教的客观化,得出社会学综合;通过比较不同宗教中的宗教事实(特别是牺牲)。特别问题中的六篇文章证明了比较方法在社会科学中的重要性。它们应该相互比较。首先,我们回到启示的问题,回顾它从未被视为一个单独的研究对象。人们总是不愿意认真对待她。然而,事实上,从1897年起,迪尔凯姆改变了他的观点、主题和理论,只关注宗教事实。在第二步中,我们解释了如何将启示“视为一件事”,强调训诂方法,将自己定位在启示(1895年)的上游,以确定迪尔凯姆的决定性道路。文件中的所有项目都遵循此路径。在第三步中,我们展示了迪尔凯姆如何通过比较方法“将宗教事实视为事物”1:通过比较其他学科(历史、法律、心理学、哲学、民族学等)提出的宗教客观化,然后比较不同宗教之间的宗教事实(尤其是牺牲)。档案中的六篇文章证明了比较方法在社会科学中的重要性。它们本身必须相互比较。
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引用次数: 0
De L'éclaircissement sur le sacrifice de Joseph de Maistre à la ‘révélation’ de Durkheim 从对约瑟夫·德·梅斯特尔牺牲的澄清到迪尔凯姆的“启示”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2022.260105
Flavien Bertran de Balanda, M.-A. Béra
This article examines how the counter-revolutionary writer Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) theorizes the notion of sacrifice. For de Maistre sacrifice understood as punishment is foundational to all societies. Durkheim used many of this author's works without citing them. At the time Durkheim was teaching his criminal sociology course on punishment and responsibility as well as preparing his course on religion dealing with ‘revelation’. It is possible to explain his interests by the fact that de Maistre appears in Durkheim's core readings for theoretical ‘juncture’ that featured authors concerned with the articulation between questions of penal law and of religious phenomena. This provides additional evidence that for Durkheim religion is at the origin of the definition of the crime and of the establishment of the punishment.Cet article examine comment l'essayiste contre-révolutionnaire Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) théorise la notion de sacrifice: pour lui, le sacrifice est compris comme une peine et il est à l'origine de toutes les sociétés. Or Durkheim fit usage de plusieurs de ses livres sans jamais les citer. Alors qu'il dispensait son cours de sociologie criminelle sur la peine et la responsabilité, et préparait sans doute aussi le cours sur la religion, dit ‘de la révélation’, il emprunta l'essai sur le sacrifice de de Maistre. On peut expliquer cet intérêt par le fait que De Maistre fait partie des lectures spéciales de ‘charnière’ théorique, qui renvoient à des auteurs se situant à l'articulation des questions de droit pénal et des phénomènes religieux repérés par Durkheim. On peut aussi, en conséquence, y voir une preuve de plus que, pour Durkheim, la religion est à l'origine de la définition du crime et de l'établissement de la peine.
本文探讨了反革命作家约瑟夫·德·梅斯特(1753-1821)如何理论化牺牲的概念。作为惩罚的牺牲是所有社会的基础。迪尔凯姆使用了作者的许多作品,但没有引用。当时,迪尔凯姆正在教授关于惩罚和责任的刑事社会学课程,以及准备关于处理“启示录”的宗教课程。有可能通过以下事实来解释他的兴趣:德·梅斯特尔出现在迪尔凯姆的理论“接合点”核心读物中,该读物的特点是作者关注刑法和宗教现象问题之间的关系。这提供了进一步的证据,证明迪尔凯姆宗教是犯罪定义和惩罚制度的起源。本文探讨了反革命散文家约瑟夫·德·梅斯特(1753-1821)如何理论化牺牲的概念:对他来说,牺牲被理解为一种惩罚,是所有社会的起源。然而,迪尔凯姆使用了他的许多书,但从未引用过。当他教授关于惩罚和责任的刑事社会学课程时,毫无疑问,他还准备了一门关于宗教的课程,称为“启示录”,他借用了德梅斯特关于牺牲的文章。这种兴趣可以解释为,德·梅斯特尔是理论“铰链”特别读物的一部分,该读物涉及迪尔凯姆确定的刑法问题和宗教现象的阐述。因此,我们还可以看到进一步的证据,证明对迪尔凯姆来说,宗教是犯罪定义和判刑的根源。
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引用次数: 0
Durkheim, the Action Française and the Question of Nationalism 迪尔凯姆,法国行动与民族主义问题
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2021.250102
Sue Stedman-Jones
This article concerns Émile Durkheim’s critique of the Action Française as expressed in his seminal articles of 1898, which was an important moment in the Dreyfus Affair, where Durkheim’s active engagement serves to challenge a still widespread view of him as a latter day traditionalist and positivist, He developed epistemological and political arguments against this proto-fascist movement, which have implications for his accounts of nationalism and internationalism.
这篇文章涉及埃米尔·涂尔干在其1898年的开创性文章中对法国行动的批评,这是德雷福斯事件中的一个重要时刻,涂尔干的积极参与挑战了人们仍然普遍认为他是后期传统主义者和实证主义者的观点,这对他对民族主义和国际主义的描述有启示。
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引用次数: 0
Frenchman, Jew, Positivist 法国人、犹太人、实证主义者
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/ds.2021.250107
This article investigates German-speaking scholarship’s reception of the programme of scientific sociology that Durkheim presented in The Rules of Sociological Method. It highlights intra-European historical dynamics and academic hierarchies. References to national, cultural, disciplinary and theoretical frames of reference are clearly discernible in the ways the Rules have been read and Durkheim has been mapped. First, his reception was embedded in a complex geometry of power between two nation states during a historical period of competitive nationalism. Second, it was affected by the way he was perceived within networks of academics who occupied unequal geo-cultural positions inside and across nation states. At times, the special location assigned to him as a Jewish intellectual played an important role. Third, his positioning as a positivist within the specific epistemological structuring of sociology is key to understanding how he was perceived east of the Rhine.
本文考察了德语学术界对涂尔干在《社会学方法规则》中提出的科学社会学课程的接受情况。它强调了欧洲内部的历史动态和学术等级制度。在阅读《规则》和绘制涂尔干图的方式中,可以清楚地看到对国家、文化、学科和理论参考框架的引用。首先,在竞争性民族主义的历史时期,他的接受植根于两个民族国家之间复杂的权力几何结构中。其次,这受到了学术网络中对他的看法的影响,这些学术网络在民族国家内部和民族国家之间占据着不平等的地理文化地位。有时,作为一名犹太知识分子,他所处的特殊位置发挥了重要作用。第三,在社会学的特定认识论结构中,他作为实证主义者的定位是理解人们如何看待他在莱茵河以东的关键。
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引用次数: 0
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Durkheimian Studies/Etudes durkheimiennes
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