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Colonial Legacy 殖民遗产
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390306
Sarah Scott
Based on interviews with thirty-eight French retirees living in the seaside city of Nha Trang, Vietnam, this article queries their reasons for migrating and investigates how they make sense of their life abroad. I consider Vietnam’s historical connection with the French empire as a possible component of lifestyle migration and meaning. This small-scale study indicates that colonial memories and historical ties between France and Vietnam do influence many interviewees’ choice of place of retirement. However, for most, the personal and social amenities afforded by a tropical life in the present tend to eventually displace such memories.
本文采访了38位居住在越南海滨城市芽庄的法国退休人员,询问他们移民的原因,并调查他们如何理解他们在国外的生活。我认为越南与法兰西帝国的历史联系可能是生活方式迁移和意义的一个组成部分。这项小规模的研究表明,法国和越南之间的殖民记忆和历史联系确实影响了许多受访者对退休地点的选择。然而,对大多数人来说,目前热带生活所提供的个人和社会便利最终会取代这些记忆。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating the Fourth Republic 驾驭第四共和国
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390304
Through the end of the Third Republic, only tiny numbers of West African students managed to study at France’s universities. Barriers to higher education began to fall after World War II, especially after African populations collectively gained citizenship. Higher education became a high-stakes policy area, as French officials and West African students and politicians vied to influence the parameters and possibilities of the postwar order. Amid escalating concerns about West African student migrations to the metropole, French officials eventually opened an Institute of Higher Studies in Dakar. However, this inchoate institution ended up highlighting the fundamental ambiguities of overseas citizenship. As West African students turned increasingly to anti-colonial activism, French authorities finally committed to establishing a full university in Dakar. Paradoxically, the construction and consolidation of this French university took place during the period of active decolonization.
在第三共和国末期,只有极少数的西非学生能够进入法国的大学学习。第二次世界大战后,特别是非洲人口集体获得公民身份后,高等教育的障碍开始下降。高等教育成了一个高风险的政策领域,因为法国官员、西非学生和政界人士都在竞相影响战后秩序的参数和可能性。由于对西非学生移民到大都市的担忧不断升级,法国官员最终在达喀尔开设了一所高等研究所。然而,这一不成熟的制度最终凸显了海外公民身份的根本模糊性。随着西非学生越来越多地转向反殖民活动,法国当局最终承诺在达喀尔建立一所完整的大学。矛盾的是,这所法国大学的建设和巩固发生在积极的非殖民化时期。
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引用次数: 0
Hammer and Cycle 锤子和循环
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390305
This article explores the evolving relationship of the Parti Communiste Français to cycling in the interwar years. It argues that communist press coverage of the sport enriches our understanding of how the Party evolved from a marginal force in the 1920s to a mass party that had forged both an effective and affective bond with large numbers of the French working class. It examines attempts to harness and manipulate working-class enthusiasm for cycling and to project through its coverage of the sport an idealized image of the French worker. Reading sport history into the Party’s political trajectory in the interwar years reveals how the appeal to the emotions was fundamental to its evolving image as a national workers party, but also how the Party had to make accommodations between a Soviet ideal and the realities of French working-class sports culture.
本文探讨了两次世界大战期间法国共产党与自行车运动的演变关系。它认为,共产主义媒体对足球的报道丰富了我们对共产党如何从20世纪20年代的一股边缘力量发展成为一个与大量法国工人阶级建立有效和情感联系的群众政党的理解。它审视了试图利用和操纵工人阶级对自行车运动的热情,并通过对这项运动的报道投射出一种理想化的法国工人形象。在两次世界大战之间的几年里,将体育史纳入党的政治轨迹,可以看出,作为一个国家工人政党,对情感的诉求是其不断演变的形象的基础,但也可以看出,党必须在苏联的理想和法国工人阶级体育文化的现实之间做出调整。
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引用次数: 0
Imperial Farce? 帝国的闹剧?
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390307
This article explores the appropriation and translation of historical notions of “empire” into the modern era through close examination of the short-lived Central African Empire, imagined and brought to life by the flamboyant Emperor Jean-Bedel Bokassa. Curiously, in an era in which the formerly colonized francophone African nations were increasingly seeking to signal rejection of their French heritage, Bokassa presented his empire as a modern corollary to the empire of Napoleon Bonaparte. This article draws on original research in French and US diplomatic archives to argue that we can understand the empire as a failed attempt to manufacture charisma, approaching farce before devolving into horror.
本文通过对短暂的中非帝国的仔细研究,探讨了“帝国”这一历史概念在现代的挪用和翻译,这个帝国是由浮夸的让-贝德尔·博卡萨皇帝想象和实现的。奇怪的是,在一个曾经被殖民的非洲法语国家日益寻求拒绝法国遗产的时代,博卡萨却把他的帝国描绘成拿破仑·波拿巴帝国的现代必然产物。本文借鉴了法国和美国外交档案的原始研究,认为我们可以将帝国理解为制造魅力的失败尝试,在演变成恐怖之前接近闹剧。
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引用次数: 0
Obscene or Exemplary? Robert Marchand’s Cycling World Hour Record 淫秽还是惩戒?罗伯特·马尔尚的自行车世界一小时纪录
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390303
The cycling world hour record for riders over 105 years old set in 2017 by Robert Marchand was much discussed in France in a context of neoliberal discourses about work and retirement. Within a debate about work characterized by desires to encourage “active aging,” Marchand’s sporting athletic effort was variously perceived as exemplary hard work and productive old age, or as an obscene abuse of athleticism. This article examines the reception of Marchand’s record within the wider context of contemporary neoliberal trends in French politics, culture, and society. It considers Marchand’s working life, active sporting retirement, and left-wing politics. It shows how media coverage and public discussion of the sporting “work” of his “performance” exemplified competing discourses in France’s national discussions about neoliberalism.
2017年,罗伯特·马尔尚(Robert Marchand)创造了105岁以上骑行者的自行车世界一小时纪录,在法国,人们在有关工作和退休的新自由主义话语中进行了大量讨论。在一场以鼓励“积极老龄化”的愿望为特征的工作辩论中,马尚的体育运动努力被各种各样的人视为努力工作和富有成效的老年人的典范,或者是对运动能力的淫秽滥用。本文考察了在法国政治、文化和社会的当代新自由主义趋势的更广泛背景下对马尔尚记录的接受。它考虑了马尔尚的职业生涯、积极的体育退役和左翼政治。它展示了媒体报道和公众对他的“表演”的体育“作品”的讨论如何体现了法国关于新自由主义的全国性讨论中的竞争话语。
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引用次数: 0
Les Enfants Perdus 迷失的孩子
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390302
J. Algazi
Following the deaths of fourteen children at a children’s residential facility in Froissy in November 1968, a moment of national interest in France in the challenges facing disabled children led parents’ associations to press for systemic reform. Concomitantly, social critiques following the protests of May 1968 focused on poor institutional conditions as evidence of society’s failures. Though government inquiry into the incident placed the blame on the proprietors, media reports and advocates asserted the failure of the French government to protect the disabled. This viewpoint aligned with the rhetoric of reformers seeking to dismantle institutions to instigate social change. However, an alliance of reformers and parents’ groups did not materialize, even after the important reforms of the law of 30 June 1975. That law articulated the government’s commitment to the equality of disabled citizens, but it had limited impact due to its failure to address conditions for the mentally disabled.
1968年11月,14名儿童在弗鲁瓦西(Froissy)的一家儿童寄宿机构中死亡,法国举国关注残疾儿童面临的挑战,这促使家长协会敦促进行系统性改革。与此同时,1968年5月抗议活动之后的社会批评集中在恶劣的制度条件上,作为社会失败的证据。虽然政府对该事件的调查将责任归咎于店主,但媒体报道和倡导者坚称法国政府未能保护残疾人。这一观点与改革者的说辞不谋而合,他们试图通过废除制度来推动社会变革。然而,即使在1975年6月30日法律的重要改革之后,改革者和家长团体的联盟也没有实现。这部法律明确表达了政府对残疾公民平等的承诺,但由于未能解决精神残疾人士的状况,它的影响有限。
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引用次数: 2
Maneuvering Whiteness in France 法国的机动白色
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390204
Juliette Galonnier
This article examines the meanings of Whiteness in France by focusing on the specific case of White converts to Islam. By becoming Muslim, converts enter religious spaces in which they are a numerical minority. Usually unmarked and unnoticed, their Whiteness is now very much visible, prompting interrogations about their racial categorization. Faced with moral dilemmas on how to best position themselves ethically while holding a position of dominance, White converts to Islam resort to a variety of strategies to portray themselves as “good Muslims” and “good Whites.” Relying on ethnography and in-depth interviewing, this article explores the contradictions, inconsistencies, and ambivalences that characterize White identities in the French context.
本文以怀特皈依伊斯兰教的具体案例为切入点,考察了白性在法国的意义。通过成为穆斯林,皈依者进入了他们在数量上是少数的宗教空间。他们的白人身份通常不为人注意,但现在却非常明显,这引发了人们对他们种族分类的质疑。面对如何在保持优势地位的同时最好地定位自己的道德困境,皈依伊斯兰教的白人采取了各种策略,将自己描绘成“好穆斯林”和“好白人”。本文以民族志和深度访谈为基础,探讨了法国背景下白人身份的矛盾、不一致和矛盾。
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引用次数: 2
A White Race Blindness? 白人种族失明?
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390206
Sarah Mazouz
Drawing on observations and on interviews conducted in a préfecture and in a municipalité of the Paris periphery, this article analyzes how republican universalism operates as a “particularizing” tool that enacts Whiteness. Starting from the paradoxical situation in which White state officials are reluctant to engage with the notion of racial discrimination when they are keen to ascribe racial categories to people of color, I argue that race blindness is in fact a form of White blindness to racialization. People of color who subscribe to the ideology of colorblindness tend to adopt a position whereby their loyalty toward the requirement of race blindness is supposed to protect them from suspicions raised by the racialized identity they are assigned to. But in practice, this stance internalizes the way they are viewed by Whites. The article concludes by discussing the link between White race blindness and the failure of republican policies against racial discrimination.
本文通过在巴黎郊区的一个居民区和一个市政府进行的观察和采访,分析了共和普遍主义是如何作为一种“特殊化”的工具来实现白人化的。白人州官员热衷于把种族分类归给有色人种,却不愿意接受种族歧视的概念,这是一个矛盾的情况,我认为种族盲目性实际上是白人对种族化的一种盲目性。认同“色盲”意识形态的有色人种倾向于采取这样一种立场,即他们对“种族盲”要求的忠诚是为了保护他们免受被赋予的种族化身份所引起的怀疑。但在实践中,这种立场内化了白人看待他们的方式。文章最后讨论了白人种族盲目性与共和党反种族歧视政策的失败之间的联系。
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引用次数: 3
Introduction: A White Republic? Whites and Whiteness in France 简介:白色共和国?法国的白人和白度
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2021.390201
Mathilde Cohen, Sarah Mazouz
France is an overwhelmingly majority-White nation. Yet the French majority is reluctant to identify as White, and French social science has tended to eschew Whiteness as an object of inquiry. Inspired by critical race theory and critical Whiteness studies, this interdisciplinary special issue offers a new look at White identities in France. It does so not to recenter Whiteness by giving it prominence, but to expose and critique White dominance. This introduction examines the global and local dimensions of Whiteness, before identifying three salient dimensions of its French version: the ideology of the race-blind universalist republic; the past and present practice of French colonialism, slavery, and rule across overseas territories; and the racialization of people of Muslim or North African backgrounds as
法国是一个白人占绝对多数的国家。然而,大多数法国人不愿意认同自己是白人,法国社会科学也倾向于回避白人作为研究对象。受批判性种族理论和批判性白人研究的启发,这期跨学科的特刊为法国的白人身份提供了新的视角。它这样做不是通过突出白人来重新定位白人,而是揭露和批评白人的统治地位。本导论考察了《白》的全球和地方维度,然后确定了其法国版本的三个显著维度:种族歧视的普遍主义共和国的意识形态;法国殖民主义、奴隶制和海外领土统治的过去和现在的做法;以及穆斯林或北非背景的人的种族化
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引用次数: 3
Corps et blanchité au prisme de la Blackness 身体和白色在黑色的棱镜
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2021.390203
Sarah Fila-Bakabadio
This article examines Whiteness from the perspective of the concept of Blackness and the production of Black gazes upon Whiteness. The goal is neither to reverse old schemes nor to establish a new asymmetric duality, but to come back to the first space in which political, social, and visual dynamics are formed—the body. In doing so, the article shows that the notions and tools developed by Blackness Studies and Critical Race Theories enable the analysis of the role of corporeality in the joint construction of Whiteness and Blackness.
本文从“黑”的概念和《黑注视白》的创作角度来考察“白”。我们的目标既不是推翻旧的方案,也不是建立一个新的不对称的二元性,而是回到政治、社会和视觉动态形成的第一个空间——身体。在此过程中,本文表明,黑人研究和批判种族理论所发展的概念和工具使得分析肉体在白与黑的共同建构中的作用成为可能。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
French Politics, Culture & Society
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