Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370205
H. Bergeron, P. Castel, Abigail C. Saguy
The French news media has framed “obesity” largely as a product of corporate greed and social inequality. Yet, France has—like other nations including the United States—adopted policies that focus on changing individual-level behavior. This article identifies several factors—including food industry lobbying, the Ministry of Agriculture’s rivalry with the Ministry of Health and alliance with the food industry, and competition with other policy goals—that favored the development of individual-level policy approaches to obesity in France at the expense of social-structural ones. This case points to the need to more systematically document inconsistencies and consistencies between social problem framing and policies. It also shows that national culture is multivalent and internally contradictory, fueling political and social struggles over which version of national culture will prevail at any given moment.
{"title":"A FRENCH PARADOX?","authors":"H. Bergeron, P. Castel, Abigail C. Saguy","doi":"10.3167/fpcs.2019.370205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370205","url":null,"abstract":"The French news media has framed “obesity” largely as a product\u0000of corporate greed and social inequality. Yet, France has—like other nations\u0000including the United States—adopted policies that focus on changing individual-level behavior. This article identifies several factors—including food\u0000industry lobbying, the Ministry of Agriculture’s rivalry with the Ministry of\u0000Health and alliance with the food industry, and competition with other\u0000policy goals—that favored the development of individual-level policy\u0000approaches to obesity in France at the expense of social-structural ones. This\u0000case points to the need to more systematically document inconsistencies\u0000and consistencies between social problem framing and policies. It also shows\u0000that national culture is multivalent and internally contradictory, fueling\u0000political and social struggles over which version of national culture will prevail\u0000at any given moment.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81681058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370206
Scott Gunther
This article examines the political style and rhetoric of the Manif pour tous (MPT), the main organization opposing same-sex marriage in France, from summer 2013 to the present. It exposes how the MPT’s style and rhetoric differ from those of their American counterparts, and what this tells us about the different strategies of political movements in France and the United States generally. It is based on an analysis of the language used by activists whom I interviewed in 2014 and 2015 and on a discourse analysis of the MPT’s website, Facebook page, Twitter feed, and press releases since 2013. This analysis of the distinctive features of the MPT brings to light underlying concerns about French identity in the face of globalization. In other words, for the MPT and its members, what is at stake is not just same-sex marriage but the very definition of Frenchness.
{"title":"MAKING SENSE OF THE ANTI-SAME-SEX-MARRIAGE MOVEMENT IN FRANCE","authors":"Scott Gunther","doi":"10.3167/FPCS.2019.370206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/FPCS.2019.370206","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the political style and rhetoric of the Manif pour tous (MPT), the main organization opposing same-sex marriage in France, from summer 2013 to the present. It exposes how the MPT’s style and rhetoric differ from those of their American counterparts, and what this\u0000tells us about the different strategies of political movements in France and the United States generally. It is based on an analysis of the language used by activists whom I interviewed in 2014 and 2015 and on a discourse analysis\u0000of the MPT’s website, Facebook page, Twitter feed, and press releases since 2013. This analysis of the distinctive features of the MPT brings to light underlying concerns about French identity in the face of globalization. In other words, for the MPT and its members, what is at stake is not just same-sex marriage but the very definition of Frenchness.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"127 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82897072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370107
Minayo Nasiali
In the 1950s, French shipping companies began to replace their old fleet of steamships with new diesel ships. They also began to lay off sailors from French Africa, claiming that the changing technology rendered their labor obsolete. The industry asserted that African sailors did not have the aptitude to do other, more skilled jobs aboard diesel vessels. But unemployed colonial sailors argued differently, claiming that they were both able and skilled. This article explores how unemployed sailors from French Africa cast themselves as experts, capable of producing technological knowledge about shipping. In so doing, they shaped racialized and gendered notions about labor and skill within the French empire. The arguments they made were inconvenient, I argue, because colonial sailors called into question hegemonic ideas about who could be modern and who had the right to participate in discourse about expertise.
{"title":"An Inconvenient Expertise","authors":"Minayo Nasiali","doi":"10.3167/FPCS.2019.370107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/FPCS.2019.370107","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1950s, French shipping companies began to replace their old\u0000fleet of steamships with new diesel ships. They also began to lay off sailors\u0000from French Africa, claiming that the changing technology rendered their\u0000labor obsolete. The industry asserted that African sailors did not have the\u0000aptitude to do other, more skilled jobs aboard diesel vessels. But unemployed\u0000colonial sailors argued differently, claiming that they were both able and\u0000skilled. This article explores how unemployed sailors from French Africa cast\u0000themselves as experts, capable of producing technological knowledge about\u0000shipping. In so doing, they shaped racialized and gendered notions about\u0000labor and skill within the French empire. The arguments they made were\u0000inconvenient, I argue, because colonial sailors called into question hegemonic\u0000ideas about who could be modern and who had the right to participate\u0000in discourse about expertise.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76755677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370106
H. Diamond
During the Liberation of Toulouse, crowd photography dominated the local press rather than the scenes of combat and barricades that marked coverage in Paris and elsewhere. This article shows how crowd photography contributed to a common construction of republicanism across the Toulouse press and exhibitions. It argues that the circulation of these images not only communicated the message that the “people” were once again sovereign, but also implied that these populations had been instrumental in their liberation, thereby contributing to the mythology of “la France résistante.” Editors mobilized crowd photography to convey to viewers the importance of adopting their republican roles at a time of community reconstruction. Reading the photography of the Liberation of Toulouse reveals that while photographic messaging in Liberation France varied in line with local circumstances, it nonetheless played a potent role in contributing to democratic resurgence.
在图卢兹解放期间，当地媒体主要报道的是人群照片，而不是巴黎和其他地方报道的战斗和路障场景。这篇文章展示了人群摄影如何在图卢兹的新闻和展览中为共和主义的共同构建做出了贡献。它认为，这些图像的流通不仅传达了“人民”再次拥有主权的信息，而且暗示了这些人口在他们的解放中发挥了重要作用，从而促成了“la France re sistante”的神话。编辑们动员群众摄影向观众传达在社区重建时期扮演共和角色的重要性。阅读图卢兹解放的照片可以发现，尽管法国解放时期的照片信息随当地情况而变化，但它在促进民主复兴方面发挥了强有力的作用。
{"title":"The Return of the Republic","authors":"H. Diamond","doi":"10.3167/fpcs.2019.370106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370106","url":null,"abstract":"During the Liberation of Toulouse, crowd photography dominated\u0000the local press rather than the scenes of combat and barricades that marked\u0000coverage in Paris and elsewhere. This article shows how crowd photography\u0000contributed to a common construction of republicanism across the\u0000Toulouse press and exhibitions. It argues that the circulation of these images\u0000not only communicated the message that the “people” were once again\u0000sovereign, but also implied that these populations had been instrumental in\u0000their liberation, thereby contributing to the mythology of “la France résistante.”\u0000Editors mobilized crowd photography to convey to viewers the\u0000importance of adopting their republican roles at a time of community\u0000reconstruction. Reading the photography of the Liberation of Toulouse\u0000reveals that while photographic messaging in Liberation France varied in\u0000line with local circumstances, it nonetheless played a potent role in contributing\u0000to democratic resurgence.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84535629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370105
Valerie Deacon
The rescue of downed Anglo-American aircrews in France during the Second World War highlights the transnational nature of this kind of resistance. From their training to their evasion, flight crews themselves experienced the Second World War without traditional national borders. Moreover, their successful rescue in Occupied France depended on the ability of civilian helpers to think transnationally and to operate with little regard for the nation-state. This article focuses on evasion training, rescue, and postwar attempts to honor civilians for their assistance to highlight these themes of transnational resistance.
{"title":"International Cooperation, Transnational Circulation","authors":"Valerie Deacon","doi":"10.3167/fpcs.2019.370105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370105","url":null,"abstract":"The rescue of downed Anglo-American aircrews in France during\u0000the Second World War highlights the transnational nature of this kind of\u0000resistance. From their training to their evasion, flight crews themselves experienced\u0000the Second World War without traditional national borders. Moreover,\u0000their successful rescue in Occupied France depended on the ability of\u0000civilian helpers to think transnationally and to operate with little regard for\u0000the nation-state. This article focuses on evasion training, rescue, and postwar\u0000attempts to honor civilians for their assistance to highlight these themes of\u0000transnational resistance.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90403476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370104
Charlotte Faucher
The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.
{"title":"Transnational Cultural Propaganda","authors":"Charlotte Faucher","doi":"10.3167/FPCS.2019.370104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/FPCS.2019.370104","url":null,"abstract":"The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation\u0000of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals,\u0000communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new\u0000forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national\u0000boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital\u0000city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter\u0000struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand,\u0000to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the\u0000other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London\u0000who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council\u0000and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural\u0000policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted\u0000rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim\u0000French culture in the name of the Resistance.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76588951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370103
O. Wieviorka
*The full text version of this article is in FrenchEnglish Abstract: Historians generally consider resistance in Europe as a national phenomenon. This vision is certainly accurate, but forgets one important datum: the Allies have played a decisive part in European resistance, by recognizing (or not) governments in exile, by authorizing (or not) the free access to the BBC, and by using their secret services (mainly the Special Operations Executive, SOE, and the Office of Strategic Services, OSS). This article tries to show how this action has shaped resistance in Western Europe, and given to the Anglo-Americans a leading part in clandestine action—even if national powers, in one way or another, have resisted this hegemony.French Abstract:La résistance en Europe a le plus souvent été considérée comme un combat national, tant par les hommes et les femmes qui y ont participé que par les historiens qui ont, par la suite, tenté de l’analyser. Sans contester ce schéma, il convient sans doute de l’enrichir, en admettant que l’intervention des Britanniques, puis des Américains, a contribué à européaniser la résistance. En la pliant à un modèle organisationnel unique tout d’abord ; en imposant des structures de commandement et une stratégie identiques ensuite ; en légitimant les pouvoirs en exil enfin. Ces interventions ont au total amené à une homogénéisation de l’armée des ombres sur le Vieux Continent, sans que les résistances nationales n’aliènent, pour autant, leur identité propre.
{"title":"La résistance a-t-elle, à l’ouest, été un phénomène européen?","authors":"O. Wieviorka","doi":"10.3167/FPCS.2019.370103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/FPCS.2019.370103","url":null,"abstract":"*The full text version of this article is in FrenchEnglish Abstract: Historians generally consider resistance in Europe as a national\u0000phenomenon. This vision is certainly accurate, but forgets one important\u0000datum: the Allies have played a decisive part in European resistance, by recognizing\u0000(or not) governments in exile, by authorizing (or not) the free access\u0000to the BBC, and by using their secret services (mainly the Special Operations\u0000Executive, SOE, and the Office of Strategic Services, OSS). This article tries to\u0000show how this action has shaped resistance in Western Europe, and given to\u0000the Anglo-Americans a leading part in clandestine action—even if national\u0000powers, in one way or another, have resisted this hegemony.French Abstract:La résistance en Europe a le plus souvent été considérée comme un\u0000combat national, tant par les hommes et les femmes qui y ont participé que\u0000par les historiens qui ont, par la suite, tenté de l’analyser. Sans contester ce\u0000schéma, il convient sans doute de l’enrichir, en admettant que l’intervention\u0000des Britanniques, puis des Américains, a contribué à européaniser la\u0000résistance. En la pliant à un modèle organisationnel unique tout d’abord ;\u0000en imposant des structures de commandement et une stratégie identiques\u0000ensuite ; en légitimant les pouvoirs en exil enfin. Ces interventions ont au\u0000total amené à une homogénéisation de l’armée des ombres sur le Vieux\u0000Continent, sans que les résistances nationales n’aliènent, pour autant, leur\u0000identité propre.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86408540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370102
Ludivine Broch
In recent decades historians have done a lot to reveal the social and political diversity of the people who participated in the French Resistance. But little has been said about non-white resisters who were among the 200,000 men and women from the colonies living in the French metropole during the Occupation. This article shows that many of them were entangled in the Resistance as early as the summer of 1940 and that they became involved in the most political and violent forms of defiance. Resistance, however, was not a “natural” decision for many of the colonial workers or prisoners, whose daily struggles could bring them into tension with the Free French as well as Vichy. So, if this study aims to rectify misconceptions of the Resistance as an entirely Eurocentric affair, it also probes the complicated relationship between colonial subjects and the metropole during the war.
{"title":"Colonial Subjects and Citizens in the French Internal Resistance, 1940-1944","authors":"Ludivine Broch","doi":"10.3167/fpcs.2019.370102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370102","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades historians have done a lot to reveal the social and\u0000political diversity of the people who participated in the French Resistance.\u0000But little has been said about non-white resisters who were among the\u0000200,000 men and women from the colonies living in the French metropole\u0000during the Occupation. This article shows that many of them were entangled\u0000in the Resistance as early as the summer of 1940 and that they became\u0000involved in the most political and violent forms of defiance. Resistance,\u0000however, was not a “natural” decision for many of the colonial workers or\u0000prisoners, whose daily struggles could bring them into tension with the Free\u0000French as well as Vichy. So, if this study aims to rectify misconceptions of the\u0000Resistance as an entirely Eurocentric affair, it also probes the complicated\u0000relationship between colonial subjects and the metropole during the war.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"59 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91025857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-01DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370108
Sarah Mazouz
Drawing on ethnographical observations made in the Naturalization Office of a prefecture of the Paris region, and on interviews carried out with bureaucrats and French citizens who have been naturalized, this article examines both the institutional process of granting citizenship as well as its impact on subjectivities. It investigates the assumptions and broad judgments that underlie the granting of French citizenship to see how norms and values linked to this procedure circulate between bureaucrats and applicants. It focuses on the idea of “deservingness,” linked to the act of being granted French citizenship, to determine how bureaucrats from the Naturalization Office and French naturalized citizens differently appropriate this notion. By addressing the articulated difference between bureaucratic practice and lived experience, this article aims to highlight the political, moral, and ethical dimensions at stake in the procedure of making foreigners into French citizens.
{"title":"The Value of Nation","authors":"Sarah Mazouz","doi":"10.3167/FPCS.2019.370108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/FPCS.2019.370108","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on ethnographical observations made in the Naturalization\u0000Office of a prefecture of the Paris region, and on interviews carried out\u0000with bureaucrats and French citizens who have been naturalized, this article\u0000examines both the institutional process of granting citizenship as well as its\u0000impact on subjectivities. It investigates the assumptions and broad judgments\u0000that underlie the granting of French citizenship to see how norms\u0000and values linked to this procedure circulate between bureaucrats and applicants.\u0000It focuses on the idea of “deservingness,” linked to the act of being\u0000granted French citizenship, to determine how bureaucrats from the Naturalization\u0000Office and French naturalized citizens differently appropriate this\u0000notion. By addressing the articulated difference between bureaucratic practice\u0000and lived experience, this article aims to highlight the political, moral,\u0000and ethical dimensions at stake in the procedure of making foreigners into\u0000French citizens.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85060720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-01DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2018.360309
Eli Thorkelson
After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies. One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May 2011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and reflexive needs.
{"title":"Two Failures of Left Internationalism","authors":"Eli Thorkelson","doi":"10.3167/FPCS.2018.360309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/FPCS.2018.360309","url":null,"abstract":"After the unsuccessful end of the spring 2009 French university\u0000movement, faculty and student activists searched for new political strategies.\u0000One promising option was an internationalist project that sought to unite\u0000anti-Bologna Project movements across Europe. Yet an ethnographic study of\u0000two international counter-summits in Brussels (March 2010) and Dijon (May\u00002011) shows that this strategy was unsuccessful. This article explores the\u0000causes of these failures, arguing that activist internationalism became caught\u0000in a trap of political mimesis, and that the form of official international\u0000summits was incompatible with activists’ temporal, representational, and\u0000reflexive needs.","PeriodicalId":35271,"journal":{"name":"French Politics, Culture & Society","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81668121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：