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Parallel Lives 平行生命
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370305
G. Ross
Philippe Herzog and Jean-Louis Moynot were members of the top leaderships of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), respectively. Each participated in and lived through the dramatic years from the 1960s through the 1980s when both organizations first supported Union de la Gauche and then turned away from it, eventually precipitating both into decline in ways that would transform eventually the French political and trade union left. The strategic shifts underlying these deep and significant changes were traumatic for those who lived through them. Herzog and Moynot have recently published memoirs detailing their experiences of this period and their political lives thereafter. Both books, in different ways, give us new and important understandings of what happened during a critical moment of change in French politics.
菲利普·赫尔佐格和让-路易·莫瓦诺分别是法国共产党(法共)和劳联(法共)的最高领导层成员。从20世纪60年代到80年代,这两个组织都参与并经历了戏剧性的岁月,当时这两个组织都先是支持左翼联盟,然后又离开了它,最终导致了两者的衰落,最终改变了法国的政治和工会左翼。这些深刻而重大的变化背后的战略转变对那些经历过这些变化的人来说是创伤性的。赫尔佐格和莫伊诺特最近出版了回忆录,详细描述了他们在这一时期的经历以及此后的政治生活。这两本书以不同的方式,让我们对法国政治变革的关键时刻所发生的事情有了新的重要理解。
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引用次数: 0
An Anthropology of the Contemporary in France 法国当代人类学
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370306
M. Ingram
Cultural anthropology in France continues to bear the influence of a colonial-era distinction between “modern” societies with a high degree of social differentiation (and marked by rapid social change) and ostensibly socially homogeneous and change-resistant “traditional” ones. The history of key institutions (museums and research institutes) bears witness to this, as does recent scholarship centered on “the contemporary” that reworks earlier models and concepts and applies them to a world increasingly marked by transnational circulation and globalization. Anthropology at the Crossroads describes the evolution of a national tradition of scholarship, changes to its institutional status, and the models, concepts, and critical perspectives of anthropologists currently revisiting and reworking the foundations of the discipline in France.
法国的文化人类学继续受到殖民时代对社会高度分化(以快速社会变革为标志)的“现代”社会和表面上社会同质和抵制变革的“传统”社会的区分的影响。重要机构(博物馆和研究机构)的历史证明了这一点,最近以“当代”为中心的学术研究也证明了这一点,这些研究重新设计了早期的模型和概念,并将它们应用于一个日益以跨国流通和全球化为特征的世界。《十字路口的人类学》描述了一个国家学术传统的演变,其制度地位的变化,以及人类学家目前在法国重新审视和改造该学科基础的模型、概念和批判性观点。
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引用次数: 0
Women and the Language of Statistics in Late-Nineteenth-Century France 19世纪晚期法国的女性与统计语言
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370301
Helen Perivier, Rebecca M. Rogers
This article considers how women adopted a “scientific” statistical language at the end of the nineteenth century to draw attention to their role in the moral and social economy. It explores in particular the messages contained in La Statistique générale de la femme française, a series of eighteen murals that the moderate feminist Marie Pégard sent for exhibition at the Woman’s Building at the Chicago World’s Fair in 1893. The article begins by considering the place statistics held in France in the final decades of the century within the context of universal exhibitions. It then examines Pégard’s choice of quantified categories of social analysis to convey a sustained argument about the comparative weight of women in a modernizing French economy. The article seeks to understand how contemporaries read and interpreted the graphs, and how this mode of rendering visible the issue of women’s work played into the politics of an emerging feminist movement.
这篇文章考虑了女性如何在19世纪末采用一种“科学的”统计语言来引起人们对她们在道德和社会经济中的作用的关注。它特别探讨了《La statisque gsamnsamrale de La femme francaise》中所包含的信息,这是一组18幅壁画,由温和的女权主义者Marie psamiard在1893年芝加哥世界博览会的妇女大厦展出。文章首先考虑的地方统计在法国举行的最后几十年在世界展览的背景下,世纪。然后,它考察了psamard对社会分析的量化分类的选择,以传达一个关于女性在现代化的法国经济中相对重要性的持续论点。本文试图理解同时代人是如何阅读和解释这些图表的,以及这种将女性工作问题呈现出来的模式如何在新兴的女权主义运动中发挥政治作用。
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引用次数: 1
Photography, Identity, and Migration 摄影,身份和移民
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370302
Johann Le Guelte
This article examines the politics of interwar colonial identification practices put into place by the French colonial state in order to curtail the mobility of colonial (im)migrants. I argue that photography was used as a tool of imperial control in both French West Africa (AOF) and metropolitan France, since colonial men’s inability to provide the required photographic portraits often prevented them from moving around the empire. In response, colonial subjects appropriated photography in alternative ways to subvert these administrative restrictions. Moreover, they took advantage of metropolitan racial stereotypes to contest Western identification practices.
本文考察了法国殖民国家为了限制殖民地(非)移民的流动性而实施的两次世界大战之间的殖民识别实践的政治。我认为,在法属西非(AOF)和法国大都会,摄影被用作帝国控制的工具,因为殖民地男性无法提供所需的摄影肖像,往往阻碍了他们在帝国内的活动。作为回应,殖民地主体以其他方式挪用摄影来颠覆这些行政限制。此外,他们利用大都市的种族刻板印象来挑战西方的身份认同做法。
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引用次数: 1
Remembering the "Forgotten Zone" 记住“被遗忘的地带”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370304
C. Campion
In much of the English-language scholarship on the post-1945 Allied occupation of Germany, French officials appear as little more than late arrivals to the victors’ table, in need of and destined to follow Anglo-American leadership in the emerging Cold War. However, French occupation policies were unique within the western camp and helped lay the foundations of postwar Franco-German reconciliation that are often credited to the 1963 Elysée Treaty. Exploring how the French occupation has been neglected, this article traces the memory of the zone across the often-disconnected work of French-, German-, and English-speaking scholars since the 1950s. Moreover, it outlines new avenues of research that could help historians resurrect the unique experience of the French zone and enrich our appreciation of the Franco-German “motor” on which Europe still relies.
在许多关于1945年后盟军占领德国的英语学术研究中,法国官员似乎只不过是胜利者餐桌上的后来者,他们需要并且注定要在正在兴起的冷战中追随英美的领导。然而,法国的占领政策在西方阵营中是独一无二的,并帮助奠定了战后法德和解的基础,这通常被归功于1963年的《伊莱萨伊姆条约》。探索法国占领是如何被忽视的,这篇文章追溯了自20世纪50年代以来,法语、德语和英语学者对该地区的记忆,这些研究往往互不相关。此外,它还概述了新的研究途径,可以帮助历史学家复活法国区的独特经历,并丰富我们对欧洲仍然依赖的法德“发动机”的欣赏。
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引用次数: 1
Radio Broadcasting, Disability Activism, and the Remaking of the Postwar Welfare State 无线电广播、残疾人行动主义和战后福利国家的重建
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3167/fpcs.2019.370303
Rebecca P. Scales
Through the history of the short-lived 1947 radio show La Tribune de l’Invalide, this article examines how the social and political context of the Liberation offered disability activists a unique opportunity to demand pensions, medical care, and social services hitherto denied to them by theFrench state. Drawing on transcripts of the broadcasts and correspondence between listeners and the show’s host Maurice Didier, the article demonstrates how disability activists played a pivotal, if little acknowledged, role in the construction of the postwar welfare state by highlighting French society’s historic neglect of disabled civilians.
通过1947年短寿的广播节目《荣军院论坛报》的历史,本文探讨了解放运动的社会和政治背景如何为残疾人活动家提供了一个独特的机会,要求法国政府迄今为止拒绝向他们提供的养老金、医疗保健和社会服务。这篇文章利用广播的文字记录以及听众和节目主持人莫里斯·迪迪埃(Maurice Didier)之间的通信记录,通过强调法国社会对残疾平民的历史忽视,展示了残疾人活动人士如何在战后福利国家的建设中发挥了关键作用,尽管很少有人承认。
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引用次数: 1
WHEN PARIS WAS “À L’HEURE CHINOISE” OR GEORGES POMPIDOU IN CHINA AND JEAN YANNE’S (1974) LES CHINOIS À PARIS 当巴黎是“中国时间”或者是蓬皮杜在中国和让·扬的《巴黎的中国人》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370203
C. E. Clark
This article looks at two seemingly disparate events: Georges Pompidou’s 1973 presidential visit to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the filming and release of Jean Yanne’s blockbuster comedy Les Chinois à Paris (1974). Both produced flawed visions of Franco-Chinese relations.During Pompidou’s visit, officials and the press attempted to demonstrate that France enjoyed warmer relations with the PRC than any other Western nation. Yanne’s film parodied the French fad for Maoism by imagining the People’s Liberation Army invading and occupying Paris. His film caused an uproar in the press and sparked official Chinese protest. The article ultimately argues that the two events were deeply related, part of a wave of popular and official interest in China in the early 1970s that extended wellbeyond the well-known stories of student and intellectual Maoists. This interest paved the way for Franco-Chinese relations as we know them today.
本文着眼于两个看似不相干的事件:1973年乔治·蓬皮杜总统对中华人民共和国(PRC)的访问,以及让·雅纳(Jean Yanne)的大片喜剧《中国人》(Les Chinois Paris)(1974)的拍摄和发行。两人对法中关系的看法都存在缺陷。在蓬皮杜访问期间,官员和媒体试图证明法国与中国的关系比其他任何西方国家都要友好。Yanne的电影通过想象中国人民解放军入侵并占领巴黎,模仿了法国对毛主义的狂热。他的电影在媒体上引起了轩然大波,并引发了中国官方的抗议。这篇文章最终认为,这两件事有着深刻的联系,是20世纪70年代初中国民众和官方兴趣浪潮的一部分,远远超出了众所周知的毛派学生和知识分子的故事。这种兴趣为我们今天所知的法中关系铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 3
LES ENTREPRISES FRANÇAISES FACE AUX OCCUPANTS (1940–1944) 法国企业与占领者(1940 - 1944)
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370201
S. Durand
Amid severe shortages of raw materials, labor, and transportation, companies in occupied France (1940–1944) sought alternative paths to what is commonly called “economic collaboration.” They worked to find substitute supplies, convert to new product lines, alter their manufacturing methods, and even adapt to the black market. But few businesses could avoid the question of whether to provide goods and services to the occupier. The opportunities to do so were widespread, though they varied according to occupation, economic branch, and the passage of time during the Occupation. The German occupiers thus benefited from the French economy. With decisive help from the Vichy regime, the occupiers managed to force, induce, or entice French enterprises into their war economy—be they large industries formerly mobilized for French national defense, small and medium-sizedfirms, or agricultural producers.
在原材料、劳动力和运输严重短缺的情况下,被占领的法国(1940-1944)的公司寻求替代通常被称为“经济合作”的途径。他们努力寻找替代品,转换新的产品线,改变他们的制造方法,甚至适应黑市。但很少有企业能够回避是否向占领者提供商品和服务的问题。这样做的机会是广泛的,尽管它们根据职业、经济部门和占领期间的时间流逝而有所不同。德国占领者因此从法国经济中获益。在维希政权的决定性帮助下,占领者成功地强迫、诱导或引诱法国企业加入他们的战争经济——无论是以前为法国国防动员起来的大型工业,中小型公司,还是农业生产商。
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引用次数: 1
AN INDOCHINESE VICHY SYNDROME?
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370202
M. Edwards, E. Jennings
This article analyzes the complex memorial stakes of the eventsthat unfolded in French Indochina during World War II. It first considersthe wartime years and analyzes the French frameworks for understandingthe Vichy period and the Japanese takeover. It then delves into two memorialtrends: the rehabilitation of the French resistance in Indochina and thecommemoration of victims of the 9 March 1945 Japanese coup. Thesetrends have produced a double elision: the focus on resistance to the Japanesehas displaced previous allegiance to Vichy, and the emphasis on the victimhoodof the French settler community has overshadowed responsibilityfor colonial violence.
它首先考虑了战争年代,并分析了法国理解维希时期和日本占领的框架。这些趋势产生了双重忽略:对日本人的抵抗取代了之前对维希的忠诚,对法国定居者社区受害者的强调掩盖了对殖民暴力的责任。
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引用次数: 2
FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND AND THE GRAY ZONE OF VICHY FranÇois密特朗和维希灰色地带
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.3167/FPCS.2019.370204
H. Mcdonnell
This article examines the 1994–1995 controversy surrounding President François Mitterrand’s past involvement with Vichy France through the concept of “the gray zone.” Differing from Primo Levi’s gray zone, itrefers here to the language that emerged in France to account for the previously neglected complicity of bystanders and beneficiaries and the indirect facilitation of the injustices of the Vichy regime. The affair serves as a site for exploring the nuances and inflections of this concept of the gray zone—both in the way it was used to indict those accused of complicity with Vichy, and as a means for those, like Mitterrand, who defended themselves by using the language of grayness. Paying attention to these invocations of the gray zone at this historical conjuncture allows us to understand the logic and stakes of both the criticisms of Mitterrand and his responses to them, particularly in terms of contemporaneous understandings of republicanism and human rights.
本文通过“灰色地带”的概念考察了1994-1995年围绕弗朗索瓦·密特朗总统过去与维希法国的关系的争议。与普里莫·列维的灰色地带不同,它指的是在法国出现的一种语言,用来解释以前被忽视的旁观者和受益者的共谋,以及维希政权的不公正的间接促进。这件事为探索灰色地带概念的细微差别和变化提供了一个场所——既可以用来起诉那些被指控与维希政府共谋的人,也可以作为密特朗等人用灰色语言为自己辩护的手段。在这个历史关头,关注这些对灰色地带的召唤,可以让我们理解对密特朗的批评和他对这些批评的回应的逻辑和利害关系,特别是在当时对共和主义和人权的理解方面。
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引用次数: 1
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French Politics, Culture & Society
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