Pub Date : 2021-04-15DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340248
E. Borisova
Based on extensive ethnographic research in northern Tajikistan, this article examines the implications of the law ordering traditions and rituals (tanzim), including marriage celebrations, in Tajikistan. At the centre of my analysis is the figure of a state employed ‘worker of culture’, Farkhod, whose family was affected by recent, rather militant, attempts by the state to regulate tradition. By following the story of his daughter’s wedding, I analyse how Farkhod tries to reconcile his roles of a caring father, a respectful community member, and a law-abiding citizen. I argue that the tanzim exacerbates the mismatch between the government’s attempts to impose a rigid notion of tradition and promote the idea of a certain kind of modern citizen, and people’s own understandings of being a modern and moral person having a good wedding.
{"title":"‘Our Traditions Will Kill Us!’: Negotiating Marriage Celebrations in the Face of Legal Regulation of Tradition in Tajikistan","authors":"E. Borisova","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340248","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Based on extensive ethnographic research in northern Tajikistan, this article examines the implications of the law ordering traditions and rituals (tanzim), including marriage celebrations, in Tajikistan. At the centre of my analysis is the figure of a state employed ‘worker of culture’, Farkhod, whose family was affected by recent, rather militant, attempts by the state to regulate tradition. By following the story of his daughter’s wedding, I analyse how Farkhod tries to reconcile his roles of a caring father, a respectful community member, and a law-abiding citizen. I argue that the tanzim exacerbates the mismatch between the government’s attempts to impose a rigid notion of tradition and promote the idea of a certain kind of modern citizen, and people’s own understandings of being a modern and moral person having a good wedding.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47587987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340226
Ikromjon Azizov
The article studies the customs policy of the Emirate of Bukhara in the second half of 19th and early 20th centuries. The Islamic legislation was the legal foundation for the customs policy of the emirate, therefore the author has disclosed the Shariat regulation of the customs affairs of this state. Changes in international economic relations of the Emirate of Bukhara, as well as in traditional customs regulation of the state, which occurred after its transformation into the Russian protectorate and their consequences are important issues of this article.
{"title":"Customs and Imposition of Duties in the Emirate of Bukhara","authors":"Ikromjon Azizov","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340226","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The article studies the customs policy of the Emirate of Bukhara in the second half of 19th and early 20th centuries. The Islamic legislation was the legal foundation for the customs policy of the emirate, therefore the author has disclosed the Shariat regulation of the customs affairs of this state. Changes in international economic relations of the Emirate of Bukhara, as well as in traditional customs regulation of the state, which occurred after its transformation into the Russian protectorate and their consequences are important issues of this article.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340226","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49221238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340230
Rosita D'amora
In 1683 Count Luigi Ferdinando Marsili volunteered for the troops that Leopold I of Habsburg was recruiting against the army of Mehmet IV, who was about to besiege Vienna. Marsili, though, during the skirmishes preceding the siege, was wounded, captured and brought as a slave to the Ottoman camp where he learned how to prepare coffee and served as a kahveci (coffee maker). After his ransom, in 1685, he sent to press in Vienna a short treatise entitled Historia medica del cavé (‘Medical history of coffee’). In this work, entirely dedicated to coffee, he combined, according to the empirical spirit of his time, the knowledge of scholarship, with his own personal observations and firsthand experience he had gained during his slavery. In the central part of his work, Marsili entrusts the task of scientifically explaining the origins, the characteristics and the virtues of the coffee to the Ottoman man of letters Ḥusayn Efendi (Hezārfenn) who Marsili had meet during his stay in Constantinople in 1679. In the Historia Medica, Marsili not only recognizes the authority of Hezārfenn on coffee, but also includes in his text the entire treatise that Hezārfenn had wrote on the subject with a parallel Italian translation. This paper will compare the multiple contexts of interaction between these two texts and their authors. In particular, it will analyze the way through which Marsili presents and uses the authority of the Ottoman text and inserts it, in its original script, into the core his treatise. By examining Marsili’s interest in Hezārfenn’s works, this paper will also emphasize his role as a cross-boundary mediator who moving back and forth from one culture to the other, as a diplomat as well as a slave, contributed significantly to building those cultural bridges through which the Muslim and the Christian world never stopped learning from each other, even in a setting of constant conflict.
{"title":"Luigi Ferdinando Marsili, Hezārfenn and the Coffee: Texts, Documents and Translations","authors":"Rosita D'amora","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340230","url":null,"abstract":"In 1683 Count Luigi Ferdinando Marsili volunteered for the troops that Leopold I of Habsburg was recruiting against the army of Mehmet IV, who was about to besiege Vienna. Marsili, though, during the skirmishes preceding the siege, was wounded, captured and brought as a slave to the Ottoman camp where he learned how to prepare coffee and served as a kahveci (coffee maker). After his ransom, in 1685, he sent to press in Vienna a short treatise entitled Historia medica del cavé (‘Medical history of coffee’). In this work, entirely dedicated to coffee, he combined, according to the empirical spirit of his time, the knowledge of scholarship, with his own personal observations and firsthand experience he had gained during his slavery. In the central part of his work, Marsili entrusts the task of scientifically explaining the origins, the characteristics and the virtues of the coffee to the Ottoman man of letters Ḥusayn Efendi (Hezārfenn) who Marsili had meet during his stay in Constantinople in 1679. In the Historia Medica, Marsili not only recognizes the authority of Hezārfenn on coffee, but also includes in his text the entire treatise that Hezārfenn had wrote on the subject with a parallel Italian translation. This paper will compare the multiple contexts of interaction between these two texts and their authors. In particular, it will analyze the way through which Marsili presents and uses the authority of the Ottoman text and inserts it, in its original script, into the core his treatise. By examining Marsili’s interest in Hezārfenn’s works, this paper will also emphasize his role as a cross-boundary mediator who moving back and forth from one culture to the other, as a diplomat as well as a slave, contributed significantly to building those cultural bridges through which the Muslim and the Christian world never stopped learning from each other, even in a setting of constant conflict.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340230","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46031408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340227
O. Klichev
Based on the study of diplomatic correspondence between the Bukhara emirate and the Russian Empire, this article highlights the issues of granting scholarships issued at the expense of the Bukhara government to gifted and low-income students of secondary specialized, vocational educational institutions functioned in the regions of the Turkestan Governorate-General. Also, such important aspects of this problem as educational institutions that received scholarships of the Bukhara government, the conditions for their appointment, the size and terms of the scholarships, and the choice of scholarship holders, etc. were analyzed in detail.
{"title":"Scholarships of Emirs of Bukhara","authors":"O. Klichev","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340227","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Based on the study of diplomatic correspondence between the Bukhara emirate and the Russian Empire, this article highlights the issues of granting scholarships issued at the expense of the Bukhara government to gifted and low-income students of secondary specialized, vocational educational institutions functioned in the regions of the Turkestan Governorate-General. Also, such important aspects of this problem as educational institutions that received scholarships of the Bukhara government, the conditions for their appointment, the size and terms of the scholarships, and the choice of scholarship holders, etc. were analyzed in detail.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340227","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42935257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340228
Ronen Yitzhak
This article explores the question of the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Jordanian public opinion, on the one hand, recognizes the regime, in large part because of its genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Radical Islamic organizations, on the other hand, reject it for its ties to the West and Israel. The article examines how the views of Islamic movements towards the Hashemite regime have evolved. The Muslim Brotherhood originally recognized the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime, but changed that position in response to Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel. al-Qāʿidah and ISIS have never recognized Hashemite rule as legitimate. They have tried to undermine its political stability and, indeed, to overthrow it, rejecting its secularism and cooperation with Israel and the West. The terrorist organizations al-Qāʿidah and ISIS find support and sympathy among Jordanians, but as they committed more terrorist attacks, the Jordanian public has turned away from them and its support for the Hashemite regime has grown. The Hashemite regime thus remains stable and strong and enjoys legitimacy in the eyes of the majority of Jordanians.
{"title":"The Question of the Legitimacy of the Hashemite Regime in Jordan: the Islamic Radical Organizations, the Western Territories and Israel","authors":"Ronen Yitzhak","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340228","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340228","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article explores the question of the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Jordanian public opinion, on the one hand, recognizes the regime, in large part because of its genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Radical Islamic organizations, on the other hand, reject it for its ties to the West and Israel. The article examines how the views of Islamic movements towards the Hashemite regime have evolved. The Muslim Brotherhood originally recognized the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime, but changed that position in response to Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel. al-Qāʿidah and ISIS have never recognized Hashemite rule as legitimate. They have tried to undermine its political stability and, indeed, to overthrow it, rejecting its secularism and cooperation with Israel and the West.\u0000The terrorist organizations al-Qāʿidah and ISIS find support and sympathy among Jordanians, but as they committed more terrorist attacks, the Jordanian public has turned away from them and its support for the Hashemite regime has grown. The Hashemite regime thus remains stable and strong and enjoys legitimacy in the eyes of the majority of Jordanians.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340228","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48224060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340225
M. Golfetto
The Sufis mainly aspire to the immaterial sphere, but they cannot be simply regarded as indifferent to the fate of the human societies in which they live. In recent years, Sufism has been revaluated as a political subject in the Middle East. Although it has historically had relations with power, it lacks a united and coherent attitude towards politics. Research on two contemporary Sufi orders in Syria and Morocco shows how they have taken the chance to expand their networks, endeavour to fulfil their moral and educational mission, and exert their influence on society. Within favourable political circumstances, they have also gained state recognition as ‘good’ or ‘official’ Islam and confronted their historical opponents among the Salafīs and Islamist organisations.
{"title":"Co-optation and Engaged Distance: Sufism, Politics and Society in Contemporary Syria and Morocco","authors":"M. Golfetto","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340225","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Sufis mainly aspire to the immaterial sphere, but they cannot be simply regarded as indifferent to the fate of the human societies in which they live. In recent years, Sufism has been revaluated as a political subject in the Middle East. Although it has historically had relations with power, it lacks a united and coherent attitude towards politics. Research on two contemporary Sufi orders in Syria and Morocco shows how they have taken the chance to expand their networks, endeavour to fulfil their moral and educational mission, and exert their influence on society. Within favourable political circumstances, they have also gained state recognition as ‘good’ or ‘official’ Islam and confronted their historical opponents among the Salafīs and Islamist organisations.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340225","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48817527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-18DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340229
Z. Turekulova, K. Baitureyeva
The construction and commissioning of the Suez Canal demonstrated that waterway — is not only a source of water for irrigated agriculture, what was for thousands of years the Nile, but also an important geopolitical and commercial resource which can be used in internal and foreign policy. Consideration of Suez Canal’s history, in the context of inter-state and inter-regional relations involves, first of all, the study of the events that are directly related to its functioning and development as a communication hub (node) of global significance. The demand of historical and political analysis of the evolution of geo-strategic position of Egypt in the context of the implementation of the project of the Suez Canal due to the need to clarify the role and place of Egypt in the global changes that have occurred all over the world due to the geopolitical space of fundamental change of transport ways.
{"title":"The Suez Canal and Its Role in Formation of New International Political and Economic Relations in The XX Century","authors":"Z. Turekulova, K. Baitureyeva","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340229","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The construction and commissioning of the Suez Canal demonstrated that waterway — is not only a source of water for irrigated agriculture, what was for thousands of years the Nile, but also an important geopolitical and commercial resource which can be used in internal and foreign policy. Consideration of Suez Canal’s history, in the context of inter-state and inter-regional relations involves, first of all, the study of the events that are directly related to its functioning and development as a communication hub (node) of global significance. The demand of historical and political analysis of the evolution of geo-strategic position of Egypt in the context of the implementation of the project of the Suez Canal due to the need to clarify the role and place of Egypt in the global changes that have occurred all over the world due to the geopolitical space of fundamental change of transport ways.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340229","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46757626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340224
Géza Dávid, Zsuzsa Kovács, István Ormos
{"title":"Catalogo dei manoscritti islamici conservati nella Biblioteca Universitaria di Bologna","authors":"Géza Dávid, Zsuzsa Kovács, István Ormos","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340224","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340224","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46022832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-07DOI: 10.1163/22138617-12340222
M. Dehqan, Vural Genç
The Brādōst Kurdish emirate, ruling over Rawāndiz and adjoining areas including parts of Urmīya, is one of the numerous Kurdish ruling families of Kurdistan, which succumbed to the conquering Ottoman and Safavid arms in the 16th-century. While Ardalān, Ḥakkārī, Chamīšgazak, and many other Kurdish emirates were yielded to the several recent studies, Brādōst remained a neglected Kurdish emirate. By analyzing written documents produced during the 16th-century — from both Ottoman and Safavid sources — a better understanding can be had of what political interactions were possible at this emirate in Ottoman-Safavid frontier history. This paper critically contributes to scholarly discussions of 16th-century political history of Brādōst and Ottoman-Safavid borderlands.
{"title":"The Kurdish Emirate of Brādōst, 1510-1609","authors":"M. Dehqan, Vural Genç","doi":"10.1163/22138617-12340222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340222","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The Brādōst Kurdish emirate, ruling over Rawāndiz and adjoining areas including parts of Urmīya, is one of the numerous Kurdish ruling families of Kurdistan, which succumbed to the conquering Ottoman and Safavid arms in the 16th-century. While Ardalān, Ḥakkārī, Chamīšgazak, and many other Kurdish emirates were yielded to the several recent studies, Brādōst remained a neglected Kurdish emirate. By analyzing written documents produced during the 16th-century — from both Ottoman and Safavid sources — a better understanding can be had of what political interactions were possible at this emirate in Ottoman-Safavid frontier history. This paper critically contributes to scholarly discussions of 16th-century political history of Brādōst and Ottoman-Safavid borderlands.","PeriodicalId":35837,"journal":{"name":"Oriente Moderno","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22138617-12340222","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42975027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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