Pub Date : 2022-10-23DOI: 10.1177/00346446221132795
M. Stoll
Public attention has focused on especially Black Housing Choice Voucher Recipients’ (HCVRs) residential mobility and whether and to what extent crime is influenced as a result. This paper adds to the growing empirical literature on this question by focusing on the race of HCVRs and examining whether changes in Black HCVRs presence in suburban areas over time is followed by changes in crime rates among the 100 largest metropolitan areas in the country. Multiple data sources are used to examine this question including data on voucher holders from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's (HUD) Picture of Subsidized Housing, on crime from the Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Offenses Known and Cleared by Arrest compiled by the FBI, and on important demographic data from the Census Bureau. First difference regression methods as well as lead and lag dependent (and independent) variable analysis, among other methods, are used to assess whether Black HCVRs influence crime in suburban areas. The results of the analysis indicate no support for the Black HCVRs – suburban crime hypothesis, consistent with previous research. The evidence indicates positive, statistically significant relationships between White HCVRs and suburban crime. However, lead and lag analysis suggests the relationship is not causal. If anything, the evidence points to White HCVRs moving to suburban areas where crime is increasing. Fears of increased crime resulting from increased presence of HCVRs are therefore not well supported by the studies’ results, and should allay any concerns about unintended crime costs of the HCV program.
{"title":"Race, Perceived Criminality and Housing Choice Voucher Recipients: Do Black Voucher Recipients’ Moves to the Suburbs Increase Crime Rates?","authors":"M. Stoll","doi":"10.1177/00346446221132795","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221132795","url":null,"abstract":"Public attention has focused on especially Black Housing Choice Voucher Recipients’ (HCVRs) residential mobility and whether and to what extent crime is influenced as a result. This paper adds to the growing empirical literature on this question by focusing on the race of HCVRs and examining whether changes in Black HCVRs presence in suburban areas over time is followed by changes in crime rates among the 100 largest metropolitan areas in the country. Multiple data sources are used to examine this question including data on voucher holders from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's (HUD) Picture of Subsidized Housing, on crime from the Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Offenses Known and Cleared by Arrest compiled by the FBI, and on important demographic data from the Census Bureau. First difference regression methods as well as lead and lag dependent (and independent) variable analysis, among other methods, are used to assess whether Black HCVRs influence crime in suburban areas. The results of the analysis indicate no support for the Black HCVRs – suburban crime hypothesis, consistent with previous research. The evidence indicates positive, statistically significant relationships between White HCVRs and suburban crime. However, lead and lag analysis suggests the relationship is not causal. If anything, the evidence points to White HCVRs moving to suburban areas where crime is increasing. Fears of increased crime resulting from increased presence of HCVRs are therefore not well supported by the studies’ results, and should allay any concerns about unintended crime costs of the HCV program.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"50 1","pages":"310 - 340"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44962674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-17DOI: 10.1177/00346446221132320
C. Ward
The terms urban restructuring and growth are political economy terms meant to signify positive recreation of urban space within the urban imaginary. While this idea may actually produce positive benefits for some, the urban restructuring products like urban renewal for low-income people of color, have come to represent the way in which inequality is spatially articulated in the urban landscape. Using the city of Atlanta as a case study, four examples of urban restructuring in the last century is explored to further this argument: segregation and zoning (1913–1931); The Downtown Connector (1946–1950); Federal Urban Renewal (1950's – 1960's); and the 1996 Summer Olympics (1990–1996). Here, I will discuss how power and capital interact with race and class to determine how these restructuring projects differentially affect spatial arrangements along class and racial lines in Atlanta. In doing so, the article will consider how urban restructuring has been a mechanism of power by the state and the private sector to advance capitalists interests of growth and profit, and while also to achieving goals of racial and class segregation, thereby displacing low-income people, often of color, with little to no access to power in order to advance their own economic interests.
{"title":"Urban Restructuring in Atlanta: A Nexus of Race, Class, Power, and Growth","authors":"C. Ward","doi":"10.1177/00346446221132320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221132320","url":null,"abstract":"The terms urban restructuring and growth are political economy terms meant to signify positive recreation of urban space within the urban imaginary. While this idea may actually produce positive benefits for some, the urban restructuring products like urban renewal for low-income people of color, have come to represent the way in which inequality is spatially articulated in the urban landscape. Using the city of Atlanta as a case study, four examples of urban restructuring in the last century is explored to further this argument: segregation and zoning (1913–1931); The Downtown Connector (1946–1950); Federal Urban Renewal (1950's – 1960's); and the 1996 Summer Olympics (1990–1996). Here, I will discuss how power and capital interact with race and class to determine how these restructuring projects differentially affect spatial arrangements along class and racial lines in Atlanta. In doing so, the article will consider how urban restructuring has been a mechanism of power by the state and the private sector to advance capitalists interests of growth and profit, and while also to achieving goals of racial and class segregation, thereby displacing low-income people, often of color, with little to no access to power in order to advance their own economic interests.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"50 1","pages":"251 - 268"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47682396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-13DOI: 10.1177/00346446221132324
G. Price, Brooks Robinson
Established in 1930, the Nation of Islam (NOI) offered uplift to the wellbeing of Black Americans. Its charismatic leader, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, articulated how membership in the NOI would improve the well-being of Black Americans. We consider the impact of NOI membership on several measures of individual well-being. Using data from the first wave of the National Survey of Black Americans, we appeal to the Rubin Causal Framework to estimate the treatment effect of being a member of the NOI on certain outcomes: e.g., overall socioeconomic status, self-employment, self-esteem, and health status. To enable causal interpretation, we estimate the treatment parameters by matching on observable covariates that are not affected by the treatment. Treatment parameter estimates suggest that, at least in the late 1970s, had the NOI been able to expand its membership, new adherents would have benefited from enhanced Black identity, a higher likelihood of not having common health problems, and a lower likelihood of hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and incarceration. Our findings suggest that the NOI could have had a substantial impact on the individual well-being of Black Americans if it were larger, and that NOI-like organizations can help mitigate race-based inequalities in well-being.
{"title":"Did Elijah Muhammad's Message To the Black Man Uplift Adherents? The Treatment Effects of Membership In The Nation of Islam","authors":"G. Price, Brooks Robinson","doi":"10.1177/00346446221132324","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221132324","url":null,"abstract":"Established in 1930, the Nation of Islam (NOI) offered uplift to the wellbeing of Black Americans. Its charismatic leader, the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, articulated how membership in the NOI would improve the well-being of Black Americans. We consider the impact of NOI membership on several measures of individual well-being. Using data from the first wave of the National Survey of Black Americans, we appeal to the Rubin Causal Framework to estimate the treatment effect of being a member of the NOI on certain outcomes: e.g., overall socioeconomic status, self-employment, self-esteem, and health status. To enable causal interpretation, we estimate the treatment parameters by matching on observable covariates that are not affected by the treatment. Treatment parameter estimates suggest that, at least in the late 1970s, had the NOI been able to expand its membership, new adherents would have benefited from enhanced Black identity, a higher likelihood of not having common health problems, and a lower likelihood of hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and incarceration. Our findings suggest that the NOI could have had a substantial impact on the individual well-being of Black Americans if it were larger, and that NOI-like organizations can help mitigate race-based inequalities in well-being.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"50 1","pages":"291 - 309"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41768955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-04DOI: 10.1177/00346446221085487
N. Breen, Johan Andres, M. Fossett, M. M. Gómez, Ernest M Moy
Higher rates of black mortality compared to whites in the United States are longstanding and well documented. Wide variation across racial and socioeconomic groups suggests that many deaths may be preventable. We hypothesize that higher mortality for African Americans is due to the fundamental causes of structural racism and poverty. We developed a new index, the Racial Isolation of Poverty (RIP), to examine how the race/class nexus of disadvantage is associated with higher rates of mortality for African Americans. A wide range of policies has isolated black people into areas with poorer-quality schools and fewer jobs, where over-policing substitutes for community resources. Geographic isolation by race and income has enabled sub-standard resource distribution to African Americans. Geographic isolation also allowed us to measure the effects of racism in US counties. Two main effects, Racial Isolation (RI), and the interaction of RI with economic deprivation, or RIP, were tested in a cross-sectional fixed-effects model. Both RIP and RI increased mortality for blacks while only RIP increased mortality for whites. Universal policies to promote economic security for all and reparations especially designed to promote economic security and wealth for African Americans are proposed.
{"title":"The Effects of Residential Segregation on Black and White Mortality in the United States","authors":"N. Breen, Johan Andres, M. Fossett, M. M. Gómez, Ernest M Moy","doi":"10.1177/00346446221085487","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221085487","url":null,"abstract":"Higher rates of black mortality compared to whites in the United States are longstanding and well documented. Wide variation across racial and socioeconomic groups suggests that many deaths may be preventable. We hypothesize that higher mortality for African Americans is due to the fundamental causes of structural racism and poverty. We developed a new index, the Racial Isolation of Poverty (RIP), to examine how the race/class nexus of disadvantage is associated with higher rates of mortality for African Americans. A wide range of policies has isolated black people into areas with poorer-quality schools and fewer jobs, where over-policing substitutes for community resources. Geographic isolation by race and income has enabled sub-standard resource distribution to African Americans. Geographic isolation also allowed us to measure the effects of racism in US counties. Two main effects, Racial Isolation (RI), and the interaction of RI with economic deprivation, or RIP, were tested in a cross-sectional fixed-effects model. Both RIP and RI increased mortality for blacks while only RIP increased mortality for whites. Universal policies to promote economic security for all and reparations especially designed to promote economic security and wealth for African Americans are proposed.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45317513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-29DOI: 10.1177/00346446221120825
M. Merry, Orhan Ağirdağ
Strategies for tackling educational inequality take many forms, though perhaps the argument most often invoked is school integration. Yet whatever the promise of integration may be, its realization continues to be hobbled by numerous difficulties. In this paper we examine what many of these difficulties are. Yet in contrast to how many empirical researchers frame these issues, we argue that while educational success in majority-minority schools will depend on a variety of material and non-material resources, the presence of these resources does not require school integration; indeed sometimes the most crucial resources are easier to foster in its absence. To that end, we briefly canvass the evidence from the United States on high performing majority-minority schools serving poor and minority students. Yet because these debates are so contentious in the American context, we pivot away from the U.S. to consider a different country, the Netherlands. We invite the reader to consider an analogous case where racial injustice and educational inequality are just as serious, yet where differences in the state school system might prove instructive concerning how some majority-minority schools choose to respond to existing segregation, but more importantly how educational success can occur in the absence of integration.
{"title":"Majority-minority Educational Success Sans Integration: A Comparative-International View","authors":"M. Merry, Orhan Ağirdağ","doi":"10.1177/00346446221120825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221120825","url":null,"abstract":"Strategies for tackling educational inequality take many forms, though perhaps the argument most often invoked is school integration. Yet whatever the promise of integration may be, its realization continues to be hobbled by numerous difficulties. In this paper we examine what many of these difficulties are. Yet in contrast to how many empirical researchers frame these issues, we argue that while educational success in majority-minority schools will depend on a variety of material and non-material resources, the presence of these resources does not require school integration; indeed sometimes the most crucial resources are easier to foster in its absence. To that end, we briefly canvass the evidence from the United States on high performing majority-minority schools serving poor and minority students. Yet because these debates are so contentious in the American context, we pivot away from the U.S. to consider a different country, the Netherlands. We invite the reader to consider an analogous case where racial injustice and educational inequality are just as serious, yet where differences in the state school system might prove instructive concerning how some majority-minority schools choose to respond to existing segregation, but more importantly how educational success can occur in the absence of integration.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"50 1","pages":"194 - 221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49338942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-21DOI: 10.1177/00346446221094866
Regan Deonanan, Daren Conrad
This paper empirically examines how financial sector development affects the FDI-economic growth nexus in Guyana. The novelty is that we examine the relationship in a poor, Small Island Developing State (SIDS) with an underdeveloped financial sector, and where the bulk of FDI flows to the extractive sector. Using annual data from 1981 to 2014, and, both a VECM and ARDL framework that distinguishes among long-run and short-run causal impacts, we provide new insights on why FDI may have a smaller impact on economic growth in SIDS or resource-rich countries. Specifically, we find that FDI dampens long-run growth in Guyana, which is consistent with the extractive literature, but through interaction with the financial sector, FDI has a positive offsetting effect at all levels of financial development in the period under study. While our findings have several nuanced policy implications on how to maximize the developmental potential of FDI in Guyana, they may be relevant to other SIDS or resource-rich countries.
{"title":"Foreign Direct Investment and Economic Growth in Guyana: The Role of Financial Sector Development","authors":"Regan Deonanan, Daren Conrad","doi":"10.1177/00346446221094866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221094866","url":null,"abstract":"This paper empirically examines how financial sector development affects the FDI-economic growth nexus in Guyana. The novelty is that we examine the relationship in a poor, Small Island Developing State (SIDS) with an underdeveloped financial sector, and where the bulk of FDI flows to the extractive sector. Using annual data from 1981 to 2014, and, both a VECM and ARDL framework that distinguishes among long-run and short-run causal impacts, we provide new insights on why FDI may have a smaller impact on economic growth in SIDS or resource-rich countries. Specifically, we find that FDI dampens long-run growth in Guyana, which is consistent with the extractive literature, but through interaction with the financial sector, FDI has a positive offsetting effect at all levels of financial development in the period under study. While our findings have several nuanced policy implications on how to maximize the developmental potential of FDI in Guyana, they may be relevant to other SIDS or resource-rich countries.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"18 1","pages":"309 - 326"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73145957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-20DOI: 10.1177/00346446221093055
Carlton D. Jenkins, Richard C. McGregory
Children of the Dream: Why School Integration Works by Rucker Johnson, with Alexander Nazaryan (Johnson & Nazaryan, 2019), is a compelling take on many of the prevailing educational policy issues our nation has continued to grapple with since the Redemption era’s Plessy versus Ferguson ruling in 1896 legally embraced racial segregation (Luxenberg, 2019). As we wrestle with the ongoing effects of systemic racism embodied in the U.S. caste system, Johnson and Nazaryan’s seminal work can help us put contemporary education debates into a useful historical and political economy context replete with questions, insights, and considerations.
{"title":"Book Review of “Children of the Dream: Why School Integration Works”","authors":"Carlton D. Jenkins, Richard C. McGregory","doi":"10.1177/00346446221093055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221093055","url":null,"abstract":"Children of the Dream: Why School Integration Works by Rucker Johnson, with Alexander Nazaryan (Johnson & Nazaryan, 2019), is a compelling take on many of the prevailing educational policy issues our nation has continued to grapple with since the Redemption era’s Plessy versus Ferguson ruling in 1896 legally embraced racial segregation (Luxenberg, 2019). As we wrestle with the ongoing effects of systemic racism embodied in the U.S. caste system, Johnson and Nazaryan’s seminal work can help us put contemporary education debates into a useful historical and political economy context replete with questions, insights, and considerations.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"42 1","pages":"353 - 357"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82867379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-19DOI: 10.1177/00346446221094872
Chukwuebuka Bernard Azolibe
By pooling a sample of 25 countries spanning from 1990–2017, this study analyzed the relationship between external debt accumulation and foreign direct investment inflows in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study employed Panel fixed effects and the Generalized Method of Moments estimation technique in order to address the potential issue of endogeneity. The results of the fixed effects and GMM analysis revealed a significant negative relationship between external debt accumulation and FDI inflows in SSA region. However, when external debt was interacted with macroeconomic variables such as corporate tax, infrastructure development, economic growth and military expenditure, the result shows a positive interaction effect between external debt and infrastructure development on FDI suggesting that external debt can positively influence FDI if channeled into the provision of critical infrastructures. On the other hand, the interaction effect of corporate tax showed a negative relationship between external debt and FDI and provided strong support for the debt overhang theory by Krugman which holds true in SSA region. Finally, economic growth and military expenditure also showed a negative interaction effect.
{"title":"External Debt Accumulation and Foreign Direct Investment Inflows in Sub-Saharan Africa: Analysing the Interaction Effects of Selected Macroeconomic Factors","authors":"Chukwuebuka Bernard Azolibe","doi":"10.1177/00346446221094872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221094872","url":null,"abstract":"By pooling a sample of 25 countries spanning from 1990–2017, this study analyzed the relationship between external debt accumulation and foreign direct investment inflows in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study employed Panel fixed effects and the Generalized Method of Moments estimation technique in order to address the potential issue of endogeneity. The results of the fixed effects and GMM analysis revealed a significant negative relationship between external debt accumulation and FDI inflows in SSA region. However, when external debt was interacted with macroeconomic variables such as corporate tax, infrastructure development, economic growth and military expenditure, the result shows a positive interaction effect between external debt and infrastructure development on FDI suggesting that external debt can positively influence FDI if channeled into the provision of critical infrastructures. On the other hand, the interaction effect of corporate tax showed a negative relationship between external debt and FDI and provided strong support for the debt overhang theory by Krugman which holds true in SSA region. Finally, economic growth and military expenditure also showed a negative interaction effect.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"2 1","pages":"327 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91136550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.1177/00346446221093054
M. Simms
{"title":"In Memoriam: Edward D. Irons, Sr","authors":"M. Simms","doi":"10.1177/00346446221093054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221093054","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"3 1","pages":"227 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81792972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-07DOI: 10.1177/00346446221093051
S. Diop, S. Asongu, Vanessa S. Tchamyou
This paper measures the macroeconomic influence of recent political crisis, protest and uprisings in Africa with the generalized synthetic control method and evaluates the role played by natural resource dependence on the modulation of the nexus. We find that political crisis, protests and uprisings have a significant and negative nexus with economic growth while the nexus is positive with investment and price level. For economic growth, the deviation of the actual series from the counterfactual is negative, instantaneous, persistent and highly significant; indicating non-negligible costs of the shock. Indeed, dependence on natural resources amplifies the negative influence of political crisis, protests and uprisings on GDP. Finally, the more the treated country depends on natural resources, the more it becomes resilient to the investment losses caused by political crisis.
{"title":"The Macroeconomic Influence of Recent Political Conflicts in Africa: Generalized Synthetic Counterfactual Evidence","authors":"S. Diop, S. Asongu, Vanessa S. Tchamyou","doi":"10.1177/00346446221093051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221093051","url":null,"abstract":"This paper measures the macroeconomic influence of recent political crisis, protest and uprisings in Africa with the generalized synthetic control method and evaluates the role played by natural resource dependence on the modulation of the nexus. We find that political crisis, protests and uprisings have a significant and negative nexus with economic growth while the nexus is positive with investment and price level. For economic growth, the deviation of the actual series from the counterfactual is negative, instantaneous, persistent and highly significant; indicating non-negligible costs of the shock. Indeed, dependence on natural resources amplifies the negative influence of political crisis, protests and uprisings on GDP. Finally, the more the treated country depends on natural resources, the more it becomes resilient to the investment losses caused by political crisis.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43635934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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