Pub Date : 2023-02-13DOI: 10.1177/00346446231154847
Valerie R. Wilson
Statistical analysis often reveals that racial identity is a measurable, significant, and persistent predictor of economic outcomes. Persistent racial disparities in unemployment and wages are defining features of the U.S. labor market and as such, provide some of the most compelling evidence of structural racism in this country. In her 2023 NEA Presidential Address, Wilson discusses decades of data and research in support of this conclusion and identifies some of the institutions that play an important role in facilitating racial economic justice.
{"title":"2023 NEA Presidential Address: Economic Research and Policy as Tools for Racial Economic Justice","authors":"Valerie R. Wilson","doi":"10.1177/00346446231154847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446231154847","url":null,"abstract":"Statistical analysis often reveals that racial identity is a measurable, significant, and persistent predictor of economic outcomes. Persistent racial disparities in unemployment and wages are defining features of the U.S. labor market and as such, provide some of the most compelling evidence of structural racism in this country. In her 2023 NEA Presidential Address, Wilson discusses decades of data and research in support of this conclusion and identifies some of the institutions that play an important role in facilitating racial economic justice.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80336929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1177/00346446221145933
Rachel E. Williams
In this conceptual paper, the author explores the relationship between the subprime mortgage crisis and charter school expansion. By situating both cases in a structural analysis of race and political economy, this article demonstrates how Jim Crow segregation established the conditions for contemporary symbiotic relationships between segregation and economic exploitation as evidenced by the concentration of subprime mortgages and charters in Black communities. By centering Black communities, this analysis demonstrates the limitations of charters to advance educational opportunity for historically underserved communities if broader political economic contexts are considered.
{"title":"The Political Economy of Subprime Educational Policy: A Critical Analysis of Charter Schools in Black Communities","authors":"Rachel E. Williams","doi":"10.1177/00346446221145933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221145933","url":null,"abstract":"In this conceptual paper, the author explores the relationship between the subprime mortgage crisis and charter school expansion. By situating both cases in a structural analysis of race and political economy, this article demonstrates how Jim Crow segregation established the conditions for contemporary symbiotic relationships between segregation and economic exploitation as evidenced by the concentration of subprime mortgages and charters in Black communities. By centering Black communities, this analysis demonstrates the limitations of charters to advance educational opportunity for historically underserved communities if broader political economic contexts are considered.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44371155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1177/00346446231152810
S. Carson
When other economic measurements are scarce or unreliable, height and the body mass index (BMI) are now well accepted measures for cumulative and current net nutrition. However, as the ratio of weight to height, BMI is the ratio of current to cumulative net nutrition, therefore, does not fully isolate changes in current net nutrition. This study uses weight after controlling for height as a measure for current net nutrition and shows that US Black and White weights decreased throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, were higher in the South, and for farmers and unskilled workers. Like stature and BMI, nineteenth century weight was higher in states with greater average wealth and population density and lower in states with greater wealth inequality.
{"title":"Weight, Wealth, and Inequality: Nineteenth Century Current Net Nutrition by Race During US Economic Development","authors":"S. Carson","doi":"10.1177/00346446231152810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446231152810","url":null,"abstract":"When other economic measurements are scarce or unreliable, height and the body mass index (BMI) are now well accepted measures for cumulative and current net nutrition. However, as the ratio of weight to height, BMI is the ratio of current to cumulative net nutrition, therefore, does not fully isolate changes in current net nutrition. This study uses weight after controlling for height as a measure for current net nutrition and shows that US Black and White weights decreased throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, were higher in the South, and for farmers and unskilled workers. Like stature and BMI, nineteenth century weight was higher in states with greater average wealth and population density and lower in states with greater wealth inequality.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43883945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00346446231152805
John H. Young
Previous research that considered African Americans as a homogenous group has determined that they are reluctant to invest in equities and corporate debt bonds, resulting in lost opportunities to build wealth. This study explored financial literacy, age and generational cohort identity, and socioeconomic factors as possible limitations to African Americans’ engagement in financial markets to build wealth. Financial risk tolerance is usually measured using three basic approaches: (a) assessing investment portfolio assets; (b) assessing responses to subjective questions; and (c) assessing responses to hypothetical questions with specific scenarios. The third approach was utilized in this study by conducting a multidimensional risk analysis with a 13-item assessment that addressed the constructs of investment risk, risk comfort and experience, and speculative risk. African Americans appear to be no different from any other group of Americans when provided with education to improve their financial literacy and financial risk tolerance levels, which are critical for reaching long-term wealth goals.
{"title":"The Impact of Financial Literacy, Generation, and Socioeconomic Factors on Financial Risk Tolerance: An African American Study","authors":"John H. Young","doi":"10.1177/00346446231152805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446231152805","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research that considered African Americans as a homogenous group has determined that they are reluctant to invest in equities and corporate debt bonds, resulting in lost opportunities to build wealth. This study explored financial literacy, age and generational cohort identity, and socioeconomic factors as possible limitations to African Americans’ engagement in financial markets to build wealth. Financial risk tolerance is usually measured using three basic approaches: (a) assessing investment portfolio assets; (b) assessing responses to subjective questions; and (c) assessing responses to hypothetical questions with specific scenarios. The third approach was utilized in this study by conducting a multidimensional risk analysis with a 13-item assessment that addressed the constructs of investment risk, risk comfort and experience, and speculative risk. African Americans appear to be no different from any other group of Americans when provided with education to improve their financial literacy and financial risk tolerance levels, which are critical for reaching long-term wealth goals.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45258876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-31DOI: 10.1177/00346446231154000
L. Badgett, Carol Heim, Michael Ash, M. Calás, L. Smircich
Lisa Fe’ Saunders received her undergraduate degree in Business Administration from Old Dominion University and her PhD in Economics from the University of California Berkeley in 1987. She joined the Department of Economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst where she was promoted to tenured Associate Professor and remained until she retired in 2021, becoming Professor Emerita. She also held visiting appointments at the University of Minnesota and University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Lisa set an outstanding example of how to use research and teaching to make economics a better and more inclusive discipline and to make the world more just. She was devoted to students, teaching courses on the political economy of women and political economy of racism that inspired some students to become economists and encouraged all students to think more critically about economics and the economy. She also taught courses on labor, microeconomics, and research methods and writing in economics. She set high standards for all of her students and especially enjoyed working with students in the Honors Program. She was always interested in discussing pedagogy and willing to offer advice to colleagues on teaching matters. On the wall in her office was a sign saying “assume nothing,” a reminder to her students and herself to keep an open mind about other people. She encouraged her students to practice “step forward, step back”: to speak up if they had been silent in class and allow others a chance to speak if they had already contributed. She also reached out to a wider community through the Center for Popular Economics, where she taught activists, educators, media makers, and others. She was selected to participate in the Lilly Endowment Teaching Fellows Program in 1988–1989 and received a Teaching for Inclusiveness, Diversity, and Equity (TIDE) Faculty Fellowship award for 2018–2019.
Lisa Fe ' Saunders于1987年在Old Dominion University获得工商管理学士学位，并在加州大学伯克利分校获得经济学博士学位。她加入了马萨诸塞大学阿默斯特分校经济系，在那里她被提升为终身副教授，并一直留任到2021年退休，成为名誉教授。她还曾在明尼苏达大学和伊利诺伊大学厄巴纳-香槟分校访问。丽莎为如何利用研究和教学使经济学成为一门更好、更包容的学科、使世界更公正树立了一个杰出的榜样。她致力于学生，教授妇女政治经济学和种族主义政治经济学的课程，这激励了一些学生成为经济学家，并鼓励所有学生对经济学和经济进行更批判性的思考。她还教授劳动、微观经济学、经济学研究方法和写作方面的课程。她为所有学生设定了高标准，尤其喜欢与荣誉项目的学生一起工作。她总是对讨论教育学感兴趣，并愿意就教学问题向同事提供建议。她办公室的墙上挂着一块牌子，上面写着“什么都不要假设”，提醒她的学生和她自己对他人保持开放的心态。她鼓励她的学生练习“向前一步，后退一步”:如果他们在课堂上沉默，就大声说出来，如果他们已经做出了贡献，就给别人一个发言的机会。她还通过大众经济学中心(Center for Popular Economics)接触到更广泛的社区，在那里她向活动人士、教育工作者、媒体制作人和其他人授课。她于1988-1989年入选礼来捐赠教学研究员计划，并于2018-2019年获得包容性，多样性和公平性教学(TIDE)教师奖学金奖。
{"title":"Lisa Fe' Saunders 1956–2022 In Memoriam","authors":"L. Badgett, Carol Heim, Michael Ash, M. Calás, L. Smircich","doi":"10.1177/00346446231154000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446231154000","url":null,"abstract":"Lisa Fe’ Saunders received her undergraduate degree in Business Administration from Old Dominion University and her PhD in Economics from the University of California Berkeley in 1987. She joined the Department of Economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst where she was promoted to tenured Associate Professor and remained until she retired in 2021, becoming Professor Emerita. She also held visiting appointments at the University of Minnesota and University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Lisa set an outstanding example of how to use research and teaching to make economics a better and more inclusive discipline and to make the world more just. She was devoted to students, teaching courses on the political economy of women and political economy of racism that inspired some students to become economists and encouraged all students to think more critically about economics and the economy. She also taught courses on labor, microeconomics, and research methods and writing in economics. She set high standards for all of her students and especially enjoyed working with students in the Honors Program. She was always interested in discussing pedagogy and willing to offer advice to colleagues on teaching matters. On the wall in her office was a sign saying “assume nothing,” a reminder to her students and herself to keep an open mind about other people. She encouraged her students to practice “step forward, step back”: to speak up if they had been silent in class and allow others a chance to speak if they had already contributed. She also reached out to a wider community through the Center for Popular Economics, where she taught activists, educators, media makers, and others. She was selected to participate in the Lilly Endowment Teaching Fellows Program in 1988–1989 and received a Teaching for Inclusiveness, Diversity, and Equity (TIDE) Faculty Fellowship award for 2018–2019.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74135955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-29DOI: 10.1177/00346446231152809
LaTanya N. Brown-Robertson, Augustin Ntembe
While the United States housing cost burden has reached historically high levels for all households in recent years, female-headed households with children tend to bear a significant portion this burden. This study uses data from the 2015 and 2019 American Housing Survey to explore the disparities in housing cost burdens among female-headed households. In general, the results from the fixed effect model reveal that housing assistance significantly decreases the female-headed household's housing cost burden, while renting tends to increase the female householders’ housing burden compared to owning. The fixed effect parameters suggest that single Black mothers experienced a high housing cost burden in 2015 and 2019, more than any other category of Black female-headed households for both years. Likewise, single Hispanic mothers also face large housing cost burdens, which increased from 2015 to 2019. This finding should guide inquiries into the impact of changes in federal policies on the immigrant status on the rising housing cost burden of the Hispanic female cohort. The study's findings suggest an increase in public housing and rental assistance programs that benefit single black mothers with children and other vulnerable households.
{"title":"Contributing Factors to the Housing Cost Burden of Female-Headed Households","authors":"LaTanya N. Brown-Robertson, Augustin Ntembe","doi":"10.1177/00346446231152809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446231152809","url":null,"abstract":"While the United States housing cost burden has reached historically high levels for all households in recent years, female-headed households with children tend to bear a significant portion this burden. This study uses data from the 2015 and 2019 American Housing Survey to explore the disparities in housing cost burdens among female-headed households. In general, the results from the fixed effect model reveal that housing assistance significantly decreases the female-headed household's housing cost burden, while renting tends to increase the female householders’ housing burden compared to owning. The fixed effect parameters suggest that single Black mothers experienced a high housing cost burden in 2015 and 2019, more than any other category of Black female-headed households for both years. Likewise, single Hispanic mothers also face large housing cost burdens, which increased from 2015 to 2019. This finding should guide inquiries into the impact of changes in federal policies on the immigrant status on the rising housing cost burden of the Hispanic female cohort. The study's findings suggest an increase in public housing and rental assistance programs that benefit single black mothers with children and other vulnerable households.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43844506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-17DOI: 10.1177/00346446221132319
Caroline Shenaz Hossein, Megan Pearson
Many countries in the Global North use the term “social economy”—also known as the third sector—to describe economies run by citizens rather than by state or business actors. Over the years, many Black feminist scholars that we have worked with also share the view that the concept of the “social economy” is limited to a European understanding. It fails to acknowledge those actors in the third sector who are excluded from interacting with the government or private sector. There is an assumption that the social economy is “socially inclined” and that it is a sector able to “interact” with the state and capitalist firms. What happens when certain groups of people cannot interact with the state or private sectors due to systemic exclusion? We argue that to transform literature on the social economy, we must use the term solidarity economy. Rejecting the sanitized language of the social economy, we use critical discourse and case study analyses to show the worldwide use of the term solidarity. Our work draws on theories of community economy intentional community to argue that the solidarity economy is a site of contestation and a way to push for social change.
{"title":"Black Feminists in the Third Sector: Here Is Why We Choose to use the term Solidarity Economy","authors":"Caroline Shenaz Hossein, Megan Pearson","doi":"10.1177/00346446221132319","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221132319","url":null,"abstract":"Many countries in the Global North use the term “social economy”—also known as the third sector—to describe economies run by citizens rather than by state or business actors. Over the years, many Black feminist scholars that we have worked with also share the view that the concept of the “social economy” is limited to a European understanding. It fails to acknowledge those actors in the third sector who are excluded from interacting with the government or private sector. There is an assumption that the social economy is “socially inclined” and that it is a sector able to “interact” with the state and capitalist firms. What happens when certain groups of people cannot interact with the state or private sectors due to systemic exclusion? We argue that to transform literature on the social economy, we must use the term solidarity economy. Rejecting the sanitized language of the social economy, we use critical discourse and case study analyses to show the worldwide use of the term solidarity. Our work draws on theories of community economy intentional community to argue that the solidarity economy is a site of contestation and a way to push for social change.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47602062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-17DOI: 10.1177/00346446221094867
Kenneth Onye, O. J. Umoh
Those with dissenting view regarding the structure of monetary union arrangement in ECOWAS often argue that the macroeconomic convergence criteria have hampered the ability of countries in the region to stabilize their economies with appropriate counter-cyclical fiscal policy. We test the empirical merit of this assertion and found no support for this view. Instead, discretionary fiscal policy has actually become counter-cyclical in ECOWAS after the introduction of convergence criteria. In specifics, we found a switch from pro-cyclical fiscal policymaking in the pre-convergence era (1995–2002) to a counter-cyclical fiscal policymaking in the convergence era (2003–2018) in ECOWAS, and that policymakers in the region respond to initial conditions - apparently taking clue from past (initial) debt and past deficit. The policy import of our result is the need to: (i) introduce more flexibility in fiscal policymaking through discretionary fiscal policy that balances the budget (against the constraints imposed by the convergence rules) over the business cycle; and (ii) adopt ‘discretionary fiscal deficit’ to monitor compliance (rather than gross deficit) because it represents effort made to correct excess deficit.
{"title":"Fiscal Policy and Monetary Integration in the Ecowas","authors":"Kenneth Onye, O. J. Umoh","doi":"10.1177/00346446221094867","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221094867","url":null,"abstract":"Those with dissenting view regarding the structure of monetary union arrangement in ECOWAS often argue that the macroeconomic convergence criteria have hampered the ability of countries in the region to stabilize their economies with appropriate counter-cyclical fiscal policy. We test the empirical merit of this assertion and found no support for this view. Instead, discretionary fiscal policy has actually become counter-cyclical in ECOWAS after the introduction of convergence criteria. In specifics, we found a switch from pro-cyclical fiscal policymaking in the pre-convergence era (1995–2002) to a counter-cyclical fiscal policymaking in the convergence era (2003–2018) in ECOWAS, and that policymakers in the region respond to initial conditions - apparently taking clue from past (initial) debt and past deficit. The policy import of our result is the need to: (i) introduce more flexibility in fiscal policymaking through discretionary fiscal policy that balances the budget (against the constraints imposed by the convergence rules) over the business cycle; and (ii) adopt ‘discretionary fiscal deficit’ to monitor compliance (rather than gross deficit) because it represents effort made to correct excess deficit.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49226526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.1177/00346446221145934
O. Folarin, I. Raifu
With the global sustainable development goals, it has become imperative for developing countries, especially sub-Saharan African countries, to think inward on ways to increase domestically mobilized revenue. The recovery of the global economy within the last few years has increased foreign assistance inflow into African countries. However, the direction of its impact on domestic mobilized revenue is unclear. This study revisited the relationship between foreign aid and domestic mobilized revenues for 32 sub-Saharan African countries using a more recent and novel dataset on tax revenue. We employed instrumental fixed effect Quantile regression, a novel technique in aid and tax revenue literature. The study's findings show that the impact of foreign aid varies across tax revenue distribution. We found a negative and significant effect in countries with high tax effort. While the effect is insignificant in countries with low tax effort, sub-Saharan African countries, especially those with low tax revenue, need to use foreign aid to strengthen their tax administration and adopt modern tax revenue collection technologies. As a result, sub-Saharan African countries should request advanced countries or donors to provide technical support in tax revenue mobilization.
{"title":"Attaining Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): New Evidence on Foreign aid and the “Bundling” of Domestic Revenue Mobilization in Sub-Saharan Africa","authors":"O. Folarin, I. Raifu","doi":"10.1177/00346446221145934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446221145934","url":null,"abstract":"With the global sustainable development goals, it has become imperative for developing countries, especially sub-Saharan African countries, to think inward on ways to increase domestically mobilized revenue. The recovery of the global economy within the last few years has increased foreign assistance inflow into African countries. However, the direction of its impact on domestic mobilized revenue is unclear. This study revisited the relationship between foreign aid and domestic mobilized revenues for 32 sub-Saharan African countries using a more recent and novel dataset on tax revenue. We employed instrumental fixed effect Quantile regression, a novel technique in aid and tax revenue literature. The study's findings show that the impact of foreign aid varies across tax revenue distribution. We found a negative and significant effect in countries with high tax effort. While the effect is insignificant in countries with low tax effort, sub-Saharan African countries, especially those with low tax revenue, need to use foreign aid to strengthen their tax administration and adopt modern tax revenue collection technologies. As a result, sub-Saharan African countries should request advanced countries or donors to provide technical support in tax revenue mobilization.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49104696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00346446211034226
Jevay Grooms, Alberto Ortega, Joaquin A-A Rubalcaba, Edward Vargas
Evidence is emerging of the pandemic disproportionately impacting communities of color. This study investigates mental health distress among essential workers during the coronavirus pandemic across race and ethnicity. We evaluate individual responses to the patient health questionnaire and general anxiety disorder questionnaire using a unique, nationally representative data set. Our findings suggest that essential healthcare workers reported the highest rates of mental health distress at the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. However, when evaluated across race and ethnicity, we find that Black essential healthcare workers disproportionately report symptoms of anxiety; while, Hispanic essential healthcare workers disproportionately report symptoms of depression. Additionally, we find that being a Black or Hispanic essential nonhealthcare worker is associated with higher levels of distress related to anxiety and depression. These findings highlight the additional dimensions to which Black and Hispanic Americans may be disproportionately affected by the coronavirus pandemic. Furthermore, it calls into question how the essential worker classification, compounded by US unemployment policies, is potentially amplifying the mental health distress experienced by workers.
{"title":"Racial and Ethnic Disparities: Essential Workers, Mental Health, and the Coronavirus Pandemic.","authors":"Jevay Grooms, Alberto Ortega, Joaquin A-A Rubalcaba, Edward Vargas","doi":"10.1177/00346446211034226","DOIUrl":"10.1177/00346446211034226","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Evidence is emerging of the pandemic disproportionately impacting communities of color. This study investigates mental health distress among essential workers during the coronavirus pandemic across race and ethnicity. We evaluate individual responses to the patient health questionnaire and general anxiety disorder questionnaire using a unique, nationally representative data set. Our findings suggest that essential healthcare workers reported the highest rates of mental health distress at the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. However, when evaluated across race and ethnicity, we find that Black essential healthcare workers disproportionately report symptoms of anxiety; while, Hispanic essential healthcare workers disproportionately report symptoms of depression. Additionally, we find that being a Black or Hispanic essential nonhealthcare worker is associated with higher levels of distress related to anxiety and depression. These findings highlight the additional dimensions to which Black and Hispanic Americans may be disproportionately affected by the coronavirus pandemic. Furthermore, it calls into question how the essential worker classification, compounded by US unemployment policies, is potentially amplifying the mental health distress experienced by workers.</p>","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9535460/pdf/10.1177_00346446211034226.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10330308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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