Pub Date : 2021-09-06DOI: 10.1177/00346446211036762
Naaborle Sackeyfio, A. Kaba
The heightened prospect of a “rising Africa” stems from multiple developments across the continent. Technological innovation, economic empowerment, increasing female leadership, and more continue to raise the fortunes of African countries. As regional economic communities engage with Agenda 2063, an ambitious endeavor to support and sustain economic development, a gendering environment is pivotal to any ensuing progress. Using the case studies of two regional organizations, our research examines the pace of political representation of women in relevant environmental committees in the Economic Community of West African States and the East African Community. In an epoch where women constitute half of the continent, the case for female representation to combat ecological challenges propelled by the securitization of environmental issues is paramount.
{"title":"Gendering Environment and Climate Change in the Economic Community of West African States & the East African Community: Why Representation Matters","authors":"Naaborle Sackeyfio, A. Kaba","doi":"10.1177/00346446211036762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211036762","url":null,"abstract":"The heightened prospect of a “rising Africa” stems from multiple developments across the continent. Technological innovation, economic empowerment, increasing female leadership, and more continue to raise the fortunes of African countries. As regional economic communities engage with Agenda 2063, an ambitious endeavor to support and sustain economic development, a gendering environment is pivotal to any ensuing progress. Using the case studies of two regional organizations, our research examines the pace of political representation of women in relevant environmental committees in the Economic Community of West African States and the East African Community. In an epoch where women constitute half of the continent, the case for female representation to combat ecological challenges propelled by the securitization of environmental issues is paramount.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"34 12 1","pages":"203 - 222"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82784419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-05DOI: 10.1177/00346446211036763
Tolani A. Britton
This paper explores whether the Federal Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which increased the disproportionate incarceration of young Black men, was also associated with changes in the likelihood of college enrollment for Black men in states with more punitive sentencing laws. I measure the association between the introduction of state sentencing laws, such as truth-in-sentencing (TIS), and college enrollment. These laws could have decreased the likelihood of Black male college enrollment by removing these men from the population in the years in which they would have attended college. To explore the impact of the passage of sentencing laws on college enrollment, I carry out a differences-in-differences analysis and an event study from 1992 to 2000. In the years after TIS passed, significant decreases occurred in the likelihood of college enrollment for Black young men when compared to the college enrollment of young White men in TIS states. However, there were no significant decreases when comparing college enrollment of young Black men in TIS states with enrollment for young Black men in non-TIS states. With respect to state sentencing schemes, voluntary guidelines, determinate sentences, presumptive recommended sentences, presumptive determinate sentences, and recommended determinate sentences were associated with a lower likelihood of college enrollment for Black men.
{"title":"Educational Opportunity and the Carceral System: Sentencing Policies and Black Men's College Enrollment","authors":"Tolani A. Britton","doi":"10.1177/00346446211036763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211036763","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores whether the Federal Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which increased the disproportionate incarceration of young Black men, was also associated with changes in the likelihood of college enrollment for Black men in states with more punitive sentencing laws. I measure the association between the introduction of state sentencing laws, such as truth-in-sentencing (TIS), and college enrollment. These laws could have decreased the likelihood of Black male college enrollment by removing these men from the population in the years in which they would have attended college. To explore the impact of the passage of sentencing laws on college enrollment, I carry out a differences-in-differences analysis and an event study from 1992 to 2000. In the years after TIS passed, significant decreases occurred in the likelihood of college enrollment for Black young men when compared to the college enrollment of young White men in TIS states. However, there were no significant decreases when comparing college enrollment of young Black men in TIS states with enrollment for young Black men in non-TIS states. With respect to state sentencing schemes, voluntary guidelines, determinate sentences, presumptive recommended sentences, presumptive determinate sentences, and recommended determinate sentences were associated with a lower likelihood of college enrollment for Black men.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"30 1","pages":"444 - 474"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87984546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-05DOI: 10.1177/00346446211034225
Willene A. Johnson, B. Anderson
Courtney Newlands Blackman was a prominent black economist who lived a meaningful, purposeful, well-ordered life of public service. Although he is perhaps best known as the founding governor of the Central Bank of Barbados and the Ambassador of Barbados to the United States, Blackman’s achievements included professional engagements in academia and international business. The unifying framework of his career was a search for theory and praxis to guide the transformation of Barbados from a colony dependent on agriculture to an independent nation with a diverse economy and a healthy democracy. By the time of Blackman’s death in March 2021, the World Bank classified Barbados as a high-income country (World Bank, 2021) and the United Nations reported that the island had achieved the highest human development index in the Caribbean (United Nations, 2020). Blackman’s role as an economic thinker and central bank governor who set a high standard for public service contributed significantly to this success. Blackman was born and received his early education in Barbados in the first third of the 20th century. An outstanding student, Blackman was awarded a scholarship to attend the University College of the West Indies in Jamaica, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in Modern History. Blackman’s first professional engagement was in international business—with the Jamaican branch of the Aluminum Company of Canada (ALCAN) where he rose to the position of personnel director. Blackman then turned to teaching secondary school—first in Jamacia and then in Ghana, where President Nkrumah was crafting strategies to move the newly-independent nation towards full political independence and economic prosperity. Returning to Barbados, Blackman nurtured his growing interest in economic development, at times contributing opinion pieces for publication in the local press. Blackman had a keen intellect and an interest in the theoretical tools to guide development in the Caribbean. But he also had an interest in management and so he seized the opportunity to earn an MBA degree at the InterAmerican University of Puerto Rico. Both Blackman and Michael Joshua from
考特尼·纽兰兹·布莱克曼是一位杰出的黑人经济学家，他的公共服务生涯有意义、有目的、井然有序。虽然他最为人所知的身份可能是巴巴多斯中央银行的创始行长和巴巴多斯驻美国大使，但布莱克曼的成就包括在学术界和国际商界的专业参与。他职业生涯的统一框架是寻求理论和实践，以指导巴巴多斯从一个依赖农业的殖民地转变为一个拥有多样化经济和健康民主的独立国家。到2021年3月布莱克曼去世时，世界银行将巴巴多斯列为高收入国家(世界银行，2021年)，联合国报告称，该岛的人类发展指数在加勒比地区最高(联合国，2020年)。布莱克曼作为一名经济思想家和央行行长，为公共服务树立了高标准，他的角色对这一成功做出了重大贡献。布莱克曼于20世纪前30年在巴巴多斯出生并接受了早期教育。作为一名优秀的学生，布莱克曼获得了牙买加西印度群岛大学学院的奖学金，并在那里获得了现代史学士学位。布莱克曼的第一份专业工作是国际业务——在加拿大铝业公司(ALCAN)的牙买加分公司，他升任人事主管。随后，布莱克曼开始在牙买加和加纳担任中学教师。当时，恩克鲁玛总统正在加纳制定战略，推动这个新独立的国家走向完全的政治独立和经济繁荣。回到巴巴多斯，布莱克曼培养了他对经济发展日益增长的兴趣，有时为当地媒体发表评论文章。布莱克曼有着敏锐的智慧，对指导加勒比地区发展的理论工具很感兴趣。但他也对管理感兴趣，所以他抓住了在波多黎各泛美大学(InterAmerican University of Puerto Rico)攻读MBA学位的机会。布莱克曼和迈克尔·约书亚都来自
{"title":"In Memoriam: Courtney N. Blackman","authors":"Willene A. Johnson, B. Anderson","doi":"10.1177/00346446211034225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211034225","url":null,"abstract":"Courtney Newlands Blackman was a prominent black economist who lived a meaningful, purposeful, well-ordered life of public service. Although he is perhaps best known as the founding governor of the Central Bank of Barbados and the Ambassador of Barbados to the United States, Blackman’s achievements included professional engagements in academia and international business. The unifying framework of his career was a search for theory and praxis to guide the transformation of Barbados from a colony dependent on agriculture to an independent nation with a diverse economy and a healthy democracy. By the time of Blackman’s death in March 2021, the World Bank classified Barbados as a high-income country (World Bank, 2021) and the United Nations reported that the island had achieved the highest human development index in the Caribbean (United Nations, 2020). Blackman’s role as an economic thinker and central bank governor who set a high standard for public service contributed significantly to this success. Blackman was born and received his early education in Barbados in the first third of the 20th century. An outstanding student, Blackman was awarded a scholarship to attend the University College of the West Indies in Jamaica, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in Modern History. Blackman’s first professional engagement was in international business—with the Jamaican branch of the Aluminum Company of Canada (ALCAN) where he rose to the position of personnel director. Blackman then turned to teaching secondary school—first in Jamacia and then in Ghana, where President Nkrumah was crafting strategies to move the newly-independent nation towards full political independence and economic prosperity. Returning to Barbados, Blackman nurtured his growing interest in economic development, at times contributing opinion pieces for publication in the local press. Blackman had a keen intellect and an interest in the theoretical tools to guide development in the Caribbean. But he also had an interest in management and so he seized the opportunity to earn an MBA degree at the InterAmerican University of Puerto Rico. Both Blackman and Michael Joshua from","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":"377 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88579694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-28DOI: 10.1177/00346446211034222
M. Simms
{"title":"In Memoriam: Stephanie Yvette Wilson","authors":"M. Simms","doi":"10.1177/00346446211034222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211034222","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"11 1","pages":"375 - 376"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83848335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1177/00346446211025647
Dal Didia, Suleiman Tahir
Even though remittances constitute the second-largest source of foreign exchange for Nigeria, with a $24 billion inflow in 2018, its impact on economic growth remains unclear. This study, therefore, examined the short-run and long-run impact of remittances on the economic growth of Nigeria using the vector error correction model. Utilizing World Bank data covering 1990–2018, the empirical analysis revealed that remittances hurt economic growth in the short run while having no impact on economic growth in the long run. Our parameter estimates indicate that a 1% increase in remittances would result in a 0.9% decrease in the gross domestic product growth rate in the short run. One policy implication of this study is that Nigeria needs to devise policies and interventions that minimize the emigration of skilled professionals rather than depending on remittances that do not offset the losses to the economy due to brain drain.
{"title":"Enhancing Economic Growth and Government Revenue Generation in Nigeria: The Role of Diaspora Remittances","authors":"Dal Didia, Suleiman Tahir","doi":"10.1177/00346446211025647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211025647","url":null,"abstract":"Even though remittances constitute the second-largest source of foreign exchange for Nigeria, with a $24 billion inflow in 2018, its impact on economic growth remains unclear. This study, therefore, examined the short-run and long-run impact of remittances on the economic growth of Nigeria using the vector error correction model. Utilizing World Bank data covering 1990–2018, the empirical analysis revealed that remittances hurt economic growth in the short run while having no impact on economic growth in the long run. Our parameter estimates indicate that a 1% increase in remittances would result in a 0.9% decrease in the gross domestic product growth rate in the short run. One policy implication of this study is that Nigeria needs to devise policies and interventions that minimize the emigration of skilled professionals rather than depending on remittances that do not offset the losses to the economy due to brain drain.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"63 1","pages":"175 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89142332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-18DOI: 10.1177/00346446211025646
Mark Stelzner, Kate Bahn
Wage inequalities between identical workers of different race, ethnicity, and gender are a persistent feature of labor markets. However, most labor market models either ignore important empirical evidence or focus very narrowly on specific labor market dynamics. To better understand such wage differences, we create a labor market model that integrates firm competition for workers, employee movement between jobs in response to market signals, potential monetary frictions in the job transition process, and workers' collective action which is a function of government support. Our model shows that because of gender- and race-specific historical and social outcomes, like the relatively lower household wealth of Black and Latino families and the increased household responsibilities of women, women and minority workers are more exploitable; employers can push their wage farther below the value of their marginal product. Also, our model shows that the cumulative wage gap for non-White women is greater than the additive gaps of being nonmale and non-White. Lastly, our model shows that a reduction in government support for collective action enables employers to wield monopsony power more freely, independent of changes in employer concentration. Because certain groups are more exploitable, employers' increased capability in wielding monopsony power means increased wage differentials replicating discriminatory biases against marginalized groups of workers.
{"title":"Discrimination and Monopsony Power","authors":"Mark Stelzner, Kate Bahn","doi":"10.1177/00346446211025646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211025646","url":null,"abstract":"Wage inequalities between identical workers of different race, ethnicity, and gender are a persistent feature of labor markets. However, most labor market models either ignore important empirical evidence or focus very narrowly on specific labor market dynamics. To better understand such wage differences, we create a labor market model that integrates firm competition for workers, employee movement between jobs in response to market signals, potential monetary frictions in the job transition process, and workers' collective action which is a function of government support. Our model shows that because of gender- and race-specific historical and social outcomes, like the relatively lower household wealth of Black and Latino families and the increased household responsibilities of women, women and minority workers are more exploitable; employers can push their wage farther below the value of their marginal product. Also, our model shows that the cumulative wage gap for non-White women is greater than the additive gaps of being nonmale and non-White. Lastly, our model shows that a reduction in government support for collective action enables employers to wield monopsony power more freely, independent of changes in employer concentration. Because certain groups are more exploitable, employers' increased capability in wielding monopsony power means increased wage differentials replicating discriminatory biases against marginalized groups of workers.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"10 1","pages":"152 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81842015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-26DOI: 10.1177/00346446211017797
Dania V. Francis, C. Weller
Wealth and education establish a cycle of intergenerational inequality. Wealthier households can provide more educational opportunities for their children, who then will have more chances to build wealth for themselves. The digital divide may have emerged as a key reinforcing mechanism of education through wealth and of future wealth through education during the pandemic. The intergenerational transmission of racial wealth inequality likely played out at rapid speed during the pandemic. We analyze the link between wealth, reliable internet and electronic device availability, remote learning time, race, and ethnicity, using the U.S. Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey. We conclude that Black and Hispanic/Latinx households have less reliable internet and devices available. This goes along with fewer hours children spend on remote learning. The lack of internet and devices correlates with less wealth, as reflected in lower homeownership rates and greater housing instability. Black and Hispanic/Latinx households, in particular, are more likely to be renters and face housing instability.
{"title":"Economic Inequality, the Digital Divide, and Remote Learning During COVID-19","authors":"Dania V. Francis, C. Weller","doi":"10.1177/00346446211017797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211017797","url":null,"abstract":"Wealth and education establish a cycle of intergenerational inequality. Wealthier households can provide more educational opportunities for their children, who then will have more chances to build wealth for themselves. The digital divide may have emerged as a key reinforcing mechanism of education through wealth and of future wealth through education during the pandemic. The intergenerational transmission of racial wealth inequality likely played out at rapid speed during the pandemic. We analyze the link between wealth, reliable internet and electronic device availability, remote learning time, race, and ethnicity, using the U.S. Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey. We conclude that Black and Hispanic/Latinx households have less reliable internet and devices available. This goes along with fewer hours children spend on remote learning. The lack of internet and devices correlates with less wealth, as reflected in lower homeownership rates and greater housing instability. Black and Hispanic/Latinx households, in particular, are more likely to be renters and face housing instability.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"49 1","pages":"41 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/00346446211017797","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43483235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-14DOI: 10.1177/00346446211017274
R. Reece
This manuscript leverages the plethora of research on colorism and skin tone stratification among Black Americans to consider how the “Black” racial category may change going forward. I build on ideas about path dependence, racial and ethnic boundary formations, racial reorganization, and a case study on race and body size to explore how extant group-level differences in social outcomes and emerging differences in political attitudes between lighter skinned and darker skinned Black Americans may lead to a schism between the two groups that forces us to question what it means to identify or be identified as “Black.” The idea that “Black is Black” has become thoroughly engrained in the American imagination, facilitated by the history of “one-drop rules” and encouraged by racial segregation. This drives our racial categorization and fuels resistance to many public discussions of colorism. However, we may have reached an even more important crossroads in our examination of colorism that forces us to reckon with the question “what is a racial group?”
{"title":"The Future of American Blackness: On Colorism and Racial Reorganization","authors":"R. Reece","doi":"10.1177/00346446211017274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211017274","url":null,"abstract":"This manuscript leverages the plethora of research on colorism and skin tone stratification among Black Americans to consider how the “Black” racial category may change going forward. I build on ideas about path dependence, racial and ethnic boundary formations, racial reorganization, and a case study on race and body size to explore how extant group-level differences in social outcomes and emerging differences in political attitudes between lighter skinned and darker skinned Black Americans may lead to a schism between the two groups that forces us to question what it means to identify or be identified as “Black.” The idea that “Black is Black” has become thoroughly engrained in the American imagination, facilitated by the history of “one-drop rules” and encouraged by racial segregation. This drives our racial categorization and fuels resistance to many public discussions of colorism. However, we may have reached an even more important crossroads in our examination of colorism that forces us to reckon with the question “what is a racial group?”","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"39 1","pages":"481 - 505"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88368489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-14DOI: 10.1177/00346446211013557
A. Bento
Scholars debate whether residential racial segregation associates positively, negatively, or at all with the Black self-employment rate in the United States. This study engages that debate using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) 1980, 1990, and 2000 5% sample and 2006–2010 American Community Survey (ACS) 5-year sample. Specifically, I investigate the county-level association between residential racial segregation and the Black self-employment rate, and whether this association varied by region in 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010. Using fractional logit models and net of control variables, I find that residential racial segregation positively predicts Black self-employment in the South. Implications for understanding how time and region condition Black self-employment opportunities are discussed.
{"title":"When and Where Residential Racial Segregation Matters for the Black Self-employment Rate","authors":"A. Bento","doi":"10.1177/00346446211013557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211013557","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars debate whether residential racial segregation associates positively, negatively, or at all with the Black self-employment rate in the United States. This study engages that debate using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) 1980, 1990, and 2000 5% sample and 2006–2010 American Community Survey (ACS) 5-year sample. Specifically, I investigate the county-level association between residential racial segregation and the Black self-employment rate, and whether this association varied by region in 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010. Using fractional logit models and net of control variables, I find that residential racial segregation positively predicts Black self-employment in the South. Implications for understanding how time and region condition Black self-employment opportunities are discussed.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"1 1","pages":"455 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75164112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-07DOI: 10.1177/00346446211013559
Linwood Tauheed
The challenge set before Black economists in 1967 by Harold Cruse in his seminal work The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual: A Historical Analysis of the Failure of Black Leadership, to create new economic theories, methodologies, and institutional forms, from a Black community point of view, is still with us, and growing more urgent by the day. Mainstream economics has failed to shine much light on fundamental problems of inequality, poverty, and financial and productive stability, particularly as these problems intersect with racial disparity. After 100 years of African American economists, perhaps it is time to strike out on our own behalf and search for the solutions to our community's problems by creating and employing our own lamps.
1967年，哈罗德·克鲁斯(Harold Cruse)在他的开创性著作《黑人知识分子的危机:对黑人领导失败的历史分析》(The Crisis of The Negro Intellectual: A Historical Analysis of The Black Leadership)中向黑人经济学家提出了挑战，即从黑人群体的角度出发，创造新的经济理论、方法和制度形式。这个挑战至今仍存在，而且日益紧迫。主流经济学未能揭示不平等、贫困、金融和生产稳定等基本问题，特别是当这些问题与种族差异交织在一起时。在非裔美国经济学家诞生100年之后，也许是时候为我们自己的利益而奋斗了，通过创造和使用我们自己的灯来寻找解决我们社区问题的办法。
{"title":"One Hundred Years of African American Economists: Difficulties and Prospects for Black Political Economy in the 21st Century","authors":"Linwood Tauheed","doi":"10.1177/00346446211013559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00346446211013559","url":null,"abstract":"The challenge set before Black economists in 1967 by Harold Cruse in his seminal work The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual: A Historical Analysis of the Failure of Black Leadership, to create new economic theories, methodologies, and institutional forms, from a Black community point of view, is still with us, and growing more urgent by the day. Mainstream economics has failed to shine much light on fundamental problems of inequality, poverty, and financial and productive stability, particularly as these problems intersect with racial disparity. After 100 years of African American economists, perhaps it is time to strike out on our own behalf and search for the solutions to our community's problems by creating and employing our own lamps.","PeriodicalId":35867,"journal":{"name":"Review of Black Political Economy","volume":"41 1","pages":"131 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77510191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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