Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2181551
Laura Victoria Gómez Correa
,
，
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2184531
Anjali Chauhan
In such a dismal state, Kiruba Munusamy is ensuring outrage. An advocate practising in the Supreme Court of India and a researcher and Dalit rights activist, Munusamy introduces herself as a lawyer first and then an Ambedkarite (Dastidar 2022). After passing the bar exam in 2008 at an early age of 22, she steadily made a name for herself by taking sensitive cases like rape, murder, and torture against people from the Dalit community, and openly advocated for the rights of transgender people. According to the 2019 report by IndiaSpend (IndiaSpend 2020) which analysed crime in India, there were 3,486 cases of rape against Scheduled Caste women including girls, and 3,375 cases of assault, each constituting around 7–8 per cent of total crimes against Scheduled Castes (Srivastava 2020). Cases of rape and assault against Scheduled Caste women have increased by 37 and 20 per cent, respectively, since 2015 (ibid.). According to the findings of the National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) 2019, ten Dalit women were raped every day in 2019 and these are only the reported cases (Biswas 2020). One such horrendous incident occurred in 2020, in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh, where a 19year-old Dalit woman was gang raped, brutalised, and murdered by upper-caste Thakur men of the village (ibid.). Several reports suggested that the victim’s family was mistreated by the police who later forced the family to cremate the victim’s body in haste (Khan 2022; Kumar 2020). Though the accused were arrested and put to trial, the oppressive caste people were outraged by the arrest. Amid such a clash, Kiruba Munusamy came forward to not only highlight the case which was either reported without the caste angle or sidelined altogether, but also provided her unconditional support to fight the systematic caste-laden patriarchy which uses rape and other forms of physical violence against women, particularly Dalit woman, to degrade and dehumanise the oppressed communities and to maintain the caste hierarchy. As argued by Uma Chakravarti, ‘upper caste men have sexual access to lower caste women, an aspect of the material power they have over the lower castes’ (Chakravarti 2018, 81). In a similar line of thought,
{"title":"Kiruba Munuswamy: progenitor of shockwaves in a casteist-pratriarchal society","authors":"Anjali Chauhan","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2184531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2184531","url":null,"abstract":"In such a dismal state, Kiruba Munusamy is ensuring outrage. An advocate practising in the Supreme Court of India and a researcher and Dalit rights activist, Munusamy introduces herself as a lawyer first and then an Ambedkarite (Dastidar 2022). After passing the bar exam in 2008 at an early age of 22, she steadily made a name for herself by taking sensitive cases like rape, murder, and torture against people from the Dalit community, and openly advocated for the rights of transgender people. According to the 2019 report by IndiaSpend (IndiaSpend 2020) which analysed crime in India, there were 3,486 cases of rape against Scheduled Caste women including girls, and 3,375 cases of assault, each constituting around 7–8 per cent of total crimes against Scheduled Castes (Srivastava 2020). Cases of rape and assault against Scheduled Caste women have increased by 37 and 20 per cent, respectively, since 2015 (ibid.). According to the findings of the National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) 2019, ten Dalit women were raped every day in 2019 and these are only the reported cases (Biswas 2020). One such horrendous incident occurred in 2020, in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh, where a 19year-old Dalit woman was gang raped, brutalised, and murdered by upper-caste Thakur men of the village (ibid.). Several reports suggested that the victim’s family was mistreated by the police who later forced the family to cremate the victim’s body in haste (Khan 2022; Kumar 2020). Though the accused were arrested and put to trial, the oppressive caste people were outraged by the arrest. Amid such a clash, Kiruba Munusamy came forward to not only highlight the case which was either reported without the caste angle or sidelined altogether, but also provided her unconditional support to fight the systematic caste-laden patriarchy which uses rape and other forms of physical violence against women, particularly Dalit woman, to degrade and dehumanise the oppressed communities and to maintain the caste hierarchy. As argued by Uma Chakravarti, ‘upper caste men have sexual access to lower caste women, an aspect of the material power they have over the lower castes’ (Chakravarti 2018, 81). In a similar line of thought,","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45358011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167637
Jessica Smith, Joshua Allen
During a recent trip to Georgetown University, the anthropologist and Indigenous rights activist Valdelice Veron spoke out about the persecution of her community, the Indigenous Guarani-Kaiowá, in Brazil. Before the conversation began, Valdelice stood and invited students, faculty, and staff to stand with her. Using sound and ceremony, she opened the space and called forth a different quality of presence from those in attendance – the kind required for the testimony of violence she would share. Gathered around a table, we listened intently as Valdelice described an attack that took place in 2003, a year after her community had once again been driven off their land. On 11 January, her father, Marcos Veron, led a group of about 100 Guarani-Kaiowá in a retomada (or reclaiming) of their land, which has been occupied by a cattle-ranching operation since the 1960s (Branford 2003; Earthsight 2020). In the early hours of the next morning, 30–40 armed men hired by the rancher descended upon their camp (Earthsight 2020). Valdelice recounted how these invaders dragged them from their tents and pulled them along the ground, beating them with the butts of their rifles – how they bound them with ropes, took them away in trucks, and tortured them. She described how they raped the women and girls and forced the men of their families to watch. She told us how, as they beat her father to death, he was crying out, ‘Land, life, justice, and the demarcation of land’ – the pillars that have guided Guarani-Kaiowá political activism for decades. Although her grief was palpable, her voice was powerful and steady as she described the painful, crucible moments that shaped her advocacy and resistance. Valdelice spoke of the ongoing violence she and her community face as they work to defend Indigenous land rights and seek justice. She described how, after the initial dispossession of their land, her father had insisted on her education, which he saw as critical to the community’s ability to fight back. Now on the precipice of completing her PhD, she spoke of the power of words to counter oppression and the responsibility we all bear to raise our voices. Around the world, environmental human rights defenders (EHRDs), many of whom are Indigenous peoples, face similar risks and forms of violence. It is estimated that 200 EHRDs were murdered in 2021 alone, with an overwhelming majority of deadly attacks occurring in Latin American countries (Hines 2022). According to data from Global Witness, murders of defenders in the Amazon accounted for 78 per cent of attacks across
{"title":"Indigenous land rights in Brazil and the women defending them: an encounter with activist Valdelice Veron","authors":"Jessica Smith, Joshua Allen","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2167637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2167637","url":null,"abstract":"During a recent trip to Georgetown University, the anthropologist and Indigenous rights activist Valdelice Veron spoke out about the persecution of her community, the Indigenous Guarani-Kaiowá, in Brazil. Before the conversation began, Valdelice stood and invited students, faculty, and staff to stand with her. Using sound and ceremony, she opened the space and called forth a different quality of presence from those in attendance – the kind required for the testimony of violence she would share. Gathered around a table, we listened intently as Valdelice described an attack that took place in 2003, a year after her community had once again been driven off their land. On 11 January, her father, Marcos Veron, led a group of about 100 Guarani-Kaiowá in a retomada (or reclaiming) of their land, which has been occupied by a cattle-ranching operation since the 1960s (Branford 2003; Earthsight 2020). In the early hours of the next morning, 30–40 armed men hired by the rancher descended upon their camp (Earthsight 2020). Valdelice recounted how these invaders dragged them from their tents and pulled them along the ground, beating them with the butts of their rifles – how they bound them with ropes, took them away in trucks, and tortured them. She described how they raped the women and girls and forced the men of their families to watch. She told us how, as they beat her father to death, he was crying out, ‘Land, life, justice, and the demarcation of land’ – the pillars that have guided Guarani-Kaiowá political activism for decades. Although her grief was palpable, her voice was powerful and steady as she described the painful, crucible moments that shaped her advocacy and resistance. Valdelice spoke of the ongoing violence she and her community face as they work to defend Indigenous land rights and seek justice. She described how, after the initial dispossession of their land, her father had insisted on her education, which he saw as critical to the community’s ability to fight back. Now on the precipice of completing her PhD, she spoke of the power of words to counter oppression and the responsibility we all bear to raise our voices. Around the world, environmental human rights defenders (EHRDs), many of whom are Indigenous peoples, face similar risks and forms of violence. It is estimated that 200 EHRDs were murdered in 2021 alone, with an overwhelming majority of deadly attacks occurring in Latin American countries (Hines 2022). According to data from Global Witness, murders of defenders in the Amazon accounted for 78 per cent of attacks across","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44855538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2177019
Rita Manchanda
Mobilising women’s self-help groups (SHGs) and fostering the leadership capacity of the SHG Federation women to carry out the Indian government’s social welfare schemes was what the collaborative NGOs were expected to do, to fulfil the vision of the all-enveloping National Rural Livelihood Mission. So effective did the SHG model appear, that the task of organising SHGs was taken over by government-sponsored and -directed new-age GoNgos – the hybrid national/state Livelihood Promotion Societies. As for the pioneering NGOs which had built community bonds and seeded the SHGs, they were now marginalised to ‘training’ and ‘monitoring’ activities. Moreover, so attractive did the potential of the SHG women appear, given that they were acculturated to being obligingly obedient to local and national patriarchies, that they were chosen as the primary vehicle for quiescently implementing some of the Prime Minister’s flagship schemes: Swach Bharat 2014 (clean India), Awas Yojana 2015 (affordable housing), and Ujwala 2016 (gas connections) schemes. Politically orphaned, but crucial, was the carryover scheme of the previous government premised on the right to work – Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme 2005 (MGNREGA). With pride, government officials noted the breaking of the silence by SHG Federation women in the decision-making gram sabhas (village assembly) and in contesting local Panchayat elections. Expectedly, once the silence was broken, women’s voices could not be stifled from criticising. Consciousness raising and capacity building for Federation leadership could not be blocked from asserting rights entitlement and demanding justice. As for the NGOs, they had set out to collaborate with the government, but the process of mobilising women’s economic capability and leadership invariably involved fostering consciousness about patriarchy, equality, and justice. Unintentionally, this set the NGOs on a confrontational course with the government, for the SHG women emerged not only as carriers of the burden of government welfare schemes and critics of unsustainable models, but also as frontline leaders of protest against land dispossession and displacement. This is a tale of successful SHG mobilisation in the states of Jharkhand and Rajasthan. Back in 2017, in B... a village in a district in Jharkhand, a public event was organised to showcase the capacity and leadership skills of the SHG Federation women before the chief guest, the local legislator who became state Minister for Rural Development. But
{"title":"Accidental women human rights activists, unintentional advocacy by NGOs and a displeased government","authors":"Rita Manchanda","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2177019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2177019","url":null,"abstract":"Mobilising women’s self-help groups (SHGs) and fostering the leadership capacity of the SHG Federation women to carry out the Indian government’s social welfare schemes was what the collaborative NGOs were expected to do, to fulfil the vision of the all-enveloping National Rural Livelihood Mission. So effective did the SHG model appear, that the task of organising SHGs was taken over by government-sponsored and -directed new-age GoNgos – the hybrid national/state Livelihood Promotion Societies. As for the pioneering NGOs which had built community bonds and seeded the SHGs, they were now marginalised to ‘training’ and ‘monitoring’ activities. Moreover, so attractive did the potential of the SHG women appear, given that they were acculturated to being obligingly obedient to local and national patriarchies, that they were chosen as the primary vehicle for quiescently implementing some of the Prime Minister’s flagship schemes: Swach Bharat 2014 (clean India), Awas Yojana 2015 (affordable housing), and Ujwala 2016 (gas connections) schemes. Politically orphaned, but crucial, was the carryover scheme of the previous government premised on the right to work – Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme 2005 (MGNREGA). With pride, government officials noted the breaking of the silence by SHG Federation women in the decision-making gram sabhas (village assembly) and in contesting local Panchayat elections. Expectedly, once the silence was broken, women’s voices could not be stifled from criticising. Consciousness raising and capacity building for Federation leadership could not be blocked from asserting rights entitlement and demanding justice. As for the NGOs, they had set out to collaborate with the government, but the process of mobilising women’s economic capability and leadership invariably involved fostering consciousness about patriarchy, equality, and justice. Unintentionally, this set the NGOs on a confrontational course with the government, for the SHG women emerged not only as carriers of the burden of government welfare schemes and critics of unsustainable models, but also as frontline leaders of protest against land dispossession and displacement. This is a tale of successful SHG mobilisation in the states of Jharkhand and Rajasthan. Back in 2017, in B... a village in a district in Jharkhand, a public event was organised to showcase the capacity and leadership skills of the SHG Federation women before the chief guest, the local legislator who became state Minister for Rural Development. But","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45218536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167635
Yara Tarabulsi
ABSTRACT Since 2019, Lebanon has undergone multiple economic, political, and social crises that have exacerbated the heavy burdens on its population, including poverty, unemployment, and economic precarity. The ramifications of these recent shocks for gender-based violence (GBV) and access to sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services are particularly stark, which has drawn the attention and concern of funders and international actors around the world. As flows of funds from foreign countries become increasingly crucial for the legitimacy and position of the ruling class and rehabilitation of the economy, and as international aid is increasingly scrutinised due to concerns about corruption and transparency post-Beirut port explosion, it becomes more important to critically analyse these financial flows and their impact on women human rights defenders’ activities. This article seeks to critically evaluate the financial flows since 2012 going towards issues of GBV and SRH, considering the different actors, initiatives, and populations for which they are earmarked. Further, it examines how these funding strategies affect women activists. The article presents a review of the context of GBV and SRH, and access to protection and SRH services in Lebanon. Subsequently, it presents an analysis of how aid is directed to issues of GBV and sexual and reproductive rights, and its impact on feminist activism using data from desk-based research and interviews with decision-makers, co-ordinators, officers, and activists from international, regional, and local organisations. Finally, it offers a set of conclusions and observations on funders and actors responsible for aid planning.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167639
S. Forester
Professor Rula Quawas was a Jordanian scholar, activist, and vocal feminist. After she received her PhD in American Literature and Feminist Theory from the University of North Texas in 1995, she returned to Amman and joined the faculty at the University of Jordan. Rula spent the next two decades working tirelessly to mentor, educate, and inspire her undergraduate and graduate students, urging them to recognise their own intrinsic value and worth – acknowledging that ‘enabling young women to speak is part of the feminist movement’. Indeed, Rula considered her classroom a site of feminist resistance; she was the first to introduce feminist courses at the University of Jordan, and she started its Women’s Studies Centre in 2006. Rula supported her students and had an unwavering commitment to what she described as some of her most important work: cultivating a revolution of the mind. In my 2016 interview with her, Rula observed that ‘we need a revolution of the mind, and this is what I do. I teach [my students] how to think critically and not be afraid to speak their minds, and to feel enoughness’. The idea of critical thinking and of ‘being enough’ featured prominently in Rula’s life and work. In 2016, she published a collection of essays written by young Jordanian women entitled The Voice of Being Enough: Young Jordanian Women Break Through Without Breaking Down. In this text, Rula connected personal change with societal change. She challenged her students and readers to see their own intrinsic value, to pursue their aspirations, and to become advocates for gender and social justice in their own communities. Such a revolution is not without opposition or controversy. The University of Jordan removed her from her post as dean after students in her 2012 Feminist Theory class made a video rebuking the rampant sexual harassment they faced on campus (Jadaliyya Reports 2012). In the video, young women hold up signs with the phrases they hear directed their way: ‘Nice humps’, ‘Do you want a ride?’, ‘Can I take you home?’ (Amami 2012). The video sparked controversy beyond the campus. Conservatives disparaged Rula for allowing, even encouraging, young women to publicly discuss such a vulgar topic, while administrators and some faculty members criticised her for impugning the reputation of the university. Rula, however, refused to feel shame for inspiring her students to mobilise against harassment, insisting that Arab women are more than their bodies. After her passing in 2017, I reached out to a few of her students, and they emphasised how Rula made them feel special, capable, and confident. Indeed, sitting across from her,
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2186634
Amber Lusvardi
For decades, feminists sought to expand public consciousness around the concept of femicide. The word femicide was to evoke the notion that homicides of women were not incidental, but rather indicative of a broad pattern of gender-based violence across society (Caputi and Russell 1992; Radford 1992). When anthropologist Marcela Lagarde y de Los Ríos tried to apply the concept of femicide to the context of epidemic levels of homicides of women in her home country of Mexico in the 1990s, she found the Spanish translation of femicide – femicidio – fell short of capturing the complexity of this violence (Lagarde 2006). Homicides against women increased sharply in the 1990s, with little recognition from the Mexican government (Lagarde y de los Rios 2005; Olivera 2010). Families of murdered girls and women ‘sounded alarm’ on the widespread gender violence in Mexico, and particularly in Ciudad Juárez (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010). Both the manner and the expansiveness of their activism – everything from rallies to protest encampments – spoke to the enormous scope of the problem. Yet, the murders continued, and few saw justice for deceased family members. The prosecution of those accused of gender-based violence was inefficient or nonexistent. Officials lost track of the numbers of missing or murdered women (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010). For years, the common and widely reported belief on the homicides of women in Mexico was that homicides were a result of free trade and an increased number of women becoming maquila workers (factory workers near the US–Mexico border), or an unfortunate result of these women getting crossed in ongoing criminal matters (De Alba and Guzmán 2010; Haley 2001; Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010; Livingston 2004). Lagarde wanted a thorough investigation of the increasing violence, using a feminist anthropologist lens (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010). The concept of femicide alone could not encapsulate the cultural understanding of how many women and girls were killed by homicide in Mexico and how such little recourse was taken to resolve it. Instead of the term femicidio to describe this gender-based violence, Lagarde translated the term into feminicidio (feminicide) to declare it a distinct concept. Feminicidio describes a wilful ignorance on the part of the state. ‘All women experience violation of their human rights stemming from the subaltern social status and political subordination of gender that affects them. It is in that framework that feminicide must be explained’ (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010, xix). Lagarde posits that feminicidio is borne from the social
几十年来，女权主义者试图围绕杀害女性的概念扩大公众意识。“杀害妇女”一词是为了唤起这样一种观念，即对妇女的谋杀不是偶然的，而是表明了整个社会基于性别的暴力的广泛模式(Caputi和Russell 1992;雷德福1992)。当人类学家Marcela Lagarde y de Los Ríos试图将杀害女性的概念应用于20世纪90年代她的祖国墨西哥对女性的谋杀泛滥的背景下时，她发现西班牙语中“杀害女性”的翻译——femicidio——未能捕捉到这种暴力的复杂性(Lagarde 2006)。20世纪90年代，针对女性的凶杀案急剧增加，而墨西哥政府几乎没有意识到这一点(Lagarde y de los Rios 2005;奥利维拉2010)。被谋杀的女孩和妇女的家庭对墨西哥普遍存在的性别暴力“敲响了警钟”，尤其是在城市Juárez (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010)。他们行动的方式和范围——从集会到抗议营地——都说明了问题的巨大范围。然而，谋杀仍在继续，很少有人为死去的家庭成员伸张正义。对被控基于性别的暴力的人的起诉效率低下或根本不存在。官员们无法追踪失踪或被谋杀妇女的人数(Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010)。多年来，关于墨西哥妇女被杀的普遍和广泛报道的观点是，凶杀案是自由贸易和越来越多的妇女成为maquila工人(美墨边境附近的工厂工人)的结果，或者是这些妇女在正在进行的刑事案件中越境的不幸结果(De Alba和Guzmán 2010;哈雷2001;拉加德·德·洛斯Ríos 2010;利文斯顿2004)。拉加德希望使用女权主义人类学家的视角，对日益增加的暴力进行彻底的调查(Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010)。杀害妇女的概念本身并不能概括文化上对墨西哥有多少妇女和女孩被谋杀以及如何采取如此少的手段来解决这一问题的理解。拉加德没有用femicidio这个词来描述这种基于性别的暴力，而是把这个词翻译成feminicidio(女性杀戮)来宣布它是一个独特的概念。女性主义描述的是国家方面的故意无知。“所有女性的人权都受到侵犯，这源于影响她们的性别的次等社会地位和政治从属地位。正是在这个框架下，必须解释“杀害女性”(Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010, xix)。拉加德认为，杀害女性源于社会
{"title":"Confronting feminicidio in Mexico: pioneering anthropologist and activist Marcela Lagarde y de los Ríos","authors":"Amber Lusvardi","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2186634","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2186634","url":null,"abstract":"For decades, feminists sought to expand public consciousness around the concept of femicide. The word femicide was to evoke the notion that homicides of women were not incidental, but rather indicative of a broad pattern of gender-based violence across society (Caputi and Russell 1992; Radford 1992). When anthropologist Marcela Lagarde y de Los Ríos tried to apply the concept of femicide to the context of epidemic levels of homicides of women in her home country of Mexico in the 1990s, she found the Spanish translation of femicide – femicidio – fell short of capturing the complexity of this violence (Lagarde 2006). Homicides against women increased sharply in the 1990s, with little recognition from the Mexican government (Lagarde y de los Rios 2005; Olivera 2010). Families of murdered girls and women ‘sounded alarm’ on the widespread gender violence in Mexico, and particularly in Ciudad Juárez (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010). Both the manner and the expansiveness of their activism – everything from rallies to protest encampments – spoke to the enormous scope of the problem. Yet, the murders continued, and few saw justice for deceased family members. The prosecution of those accused of gender-based violence was inefficient or nonexistent. Officials lost track of the numbers of missing or murdered women (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010). For years, the common and widely reported belief on the homicides of women in Mexico was that homicides were a result of free trade and an increased number of women becoming maquila workers (factory workers near the US–Mexico border), or an unfortunate result of these women getting crossed in ongoing criminal matters (De Alba and Guzmán 2010; Haley 2001; Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010; Livingston 2004). Lagarde wanted a thorough investigation of the increasing violence, using a feminist anthropologist lens (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010). The concept of femicide alone could not encapsulate the cultural understanding of how many women and girls were killed by homicide in Mexico and how such little recourse was taken to resolve it. Instead of the term femicidio to describe this gender-based violence, Lagarde translated the term into feminicidio (feminicide) to declare it a distinct concept. Feminicidio describes a wilful ignorance on the part of the state. ‘All women experience violation of their human rights stemming from the subaltern social status and political subordination of gender that affects them. It is in that framework that feminicide must be explained’ (Lagarde y de los Ríos 2010, xix). Lagarde posits that feminicidio is borne from the social","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48450094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2184560
Luisa Fernanda Gáfaro Duque
{"title":"Yanette Bautista, toda una vida de lucha y búsqueda","authors":"Luisa Fernanda Gáfaro Duque","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2184560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2184560","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43383837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2184533
Ana Silvia Monzón
{"title":"Luz Méndez Gutiérrez, una mujer de su tiempo","authors":"Ana Silvia Monzón","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2184533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2184533","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45074104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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