Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2184530
W. Alkhadra
ABSTRACT This paper attempts to connect my personal experiences as an academic activist, along with my first-hand experience in rural areas in Jordan, to ‘barefoot nisswiyya’ [barefoot feminism], a concept I coined in 2002 and have been developing through praxis since then. These experiences have helped me connect with nature in the countryside as a ‘Fourth Space’, as articulated by Nigel Thrift, disrupting some hierarchical and power-related practices in an attempt to bring about more balance in overdue social change and transformative paradigms within my own self and community. By using the two methodic tools that I crafted of Bawh بوح [spontaneous intimate articulation and disclosure] and Ishrah عشرة [engaging connectedness], I explore how this practised form of nisswiyya has helped me, first and foremost, to build Ishrah with grassroots women (shepherdesses, farmers, factory workers, janitors) while they are articulating their Voices and vernacularising their Stories that manifest their nisswiyya. These stories illuminate how barefoot nisswiyy(at) [feminists] navigate through patriarchal and hierarchical spaces to mobilise the ‘barefooted’ Fourth Space (Nigel Thrift constructed four different spaces: (1) the empirical; (2) the unblocking, fluid space; (3) the image, virtual space; and (4) the Fourth Space that he calls the Place Space). The paper discusses all these experiences as rooted in barefoot nisswiyya, a form of feminism/nisswiyya(ism) which aims to narrow the divide between theory and praxis, connect the personal to the political, step away from ‘femocracy’ and power-over empowerment, and widen the scope of feminism to encompass expressions of indigenous knowledge that is driven by homegrown grassroots women’s agency.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167636
L. Carrasco
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167633
Julia Hartviksen
ABSTRACT In 1996, Guatemala’s Peace Accords were signed, concluding 36 years of war and genocide. However, persisting violence, including violences against women (VAW) and criminalisation of human rights defenders protesting inequalities provoked by postwar extractivism, threatens the democracy promised through formal peace. Specifically, women human rights defenders (WHRDs) play key roles in these struggles, which this paper explores. Drawing on ten months of qualitative fieldwork in Maya Q’eqchi’ communities in the Northern Transversal Strip (FTN) region, I ask: what roles do WHRDs play in resolving VAW and in challenging gendered and environmental injustices? Secondly, what political and collective strategies are drawn on by WHRDs; what challenges do they face; and what movements and processes do they engage in, to envision a better future? This paper foregrounds the intersections of municipal political spaces and a constellation of postwar women’s rights legal frameworks, including a 2008 Law on Femicide criminalising all forms of VAW as central to WHRDs’ mobilisations. I explore how locally elected members of consejos de mujeres (women’s councils) and municipal oficinas de la mujer (women’s offices) offer important spaces for WHRDs to organise collectively. I also highlight connections between WHRDs’ struggles against VAW, extractivism, and environmental devastation in the FTN. Simultaneously, I identify several ‘roadblocks’ to WHRDs’ engagement in these spaces and the dangers and criminalisation they face. Ultimately, such ‘roadblocks’ contribute to a vernacularisation of women’s rights in the FTN, which instrumentalises and empowers the language of rights for WHRDs’ struggles.
摘要1996年，危地马拉签署了《和平协定》，结束了长达36年的战争和种族灭绝。然而，持续存在的暴力行为，包括对妇女的暴力行为（VAW）和对抗议战后榨取主义引发的不平等的人权维护者的定罪，威胁到通过正式和平承诺的民主。具体而言，女性人权维护者在这些斗争中发挥着关键作用，本文对此进行了探讨。根据对北横带（FTN）地区Maya Q'eqchi社区为期十个月的定性实地调查，我想问：WHRD在解决暴力侵害妇女问题和挑战性别和环境不公正方面发挥了什么作用？第二，世界人权宣言采用了哪些政治和集体战略；他们面临哪些挑战；他们参与了哪些运动和过程，以展望更美好的未来？本文强调了城市政治空间和战后一系列妇女权利法律框架的交叉点，包括2008年的《杀害妇女法》，该法将所有形式的暴力侵害妇女行为定为犯罪，这是世界人权组织动员的核心。我探讨了地方选举产生的妇女委员会（consejos de mujeres）和市政妇女办公室（oficinas de la mujer）成员如何为妇女权利委员会提供重要的集体组织空间。我还强调了WHRD反对VAW、采掘主义和FTN环境破坏之间的联系。同时，我确定了WHRD参与这些领域的几个“障碍”，以及他们面临的危险和刑事定罪。最终，这些“障碍”有助于FTN中妇女权利的地方化，这将WHRD斗争的权利语言工具化并赋予其权力。
{"title":"Roadblocks on the ruta de denuncia: negotiating women’s rights and resisting violences in postwar Guatemala’s Northern Transversal Strip","authors":"Julia Hartviksen","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2167633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2167633","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 1996, Guatemala’s Peace Accords were signed, concluding 36 years of war and genocide. However, persisting violence, including violences against women (VAW) and criminalisation of human rights defenders protesting inequalities provoked by postwar extractivism, threatens the democracy promised through formal peace. Specifically, women human rights defenders (WHRDs) play key roles in these struggles, which this paper explores. Drawing on ten months of qualitative fieldwork in Maya Q’eqchi’ communities in the Northern Transversal Strip (FTN) region, I ask: what roles do WHRDs play in resolving VAW and in challenging gendered and environmental injustices? Secondly, what political and collective strategies are drawn on by WHRDs; what challenges do they face; and what movements and processes do they engage in, to envision a better future? This paper foregrounds the intersections of municipal political spaces and a constellation of postwar women’s rights legal frameworks, including a 2008 Law on Femicide criminalising all forms of VAW as central to WHRDs’ mobilisations. I explore how locally elected members of consejos de mujeres (women’s councils) and municipal oficinas de la mujer (women’s offices) offer important spaces for WHRDs to organise collectively. I also highlight connections between WHRDs’ struggles against VAW, extractivism, and environmental devastation in the FTN. Simultaneously, I identify several ‘roadblocks’ to WHRDs’ engagement in these spaces and the dangers and criminalisation they face. Ultimately, such ‘roadblocks’ contribute to a vernacularisation of women’s rights in the FTN, which instrumentalises and empowers the language of rights for WHRDs’ struggles.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49178456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167767
Onyinyechukwu Durueke
ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how the Prayer Warriors of Rumuekpe, Rivers State, Nigeria, a women human rights defenders group demonstrated their ability to contribute to the peace process despite the patriarchal structures that impede them and conditions of extreme violence. The women saw the need to adopt methods that were in their feminine domain and therefore framed their collective action as maternal. Motherhood is a cultural role already assigned to them, and they decided to utilise it to prevent backlash and victimisation from men in the community. Primary and secondary data sources have been used in this study. Primary data included field notes and 30 interviews with men and women in Rumuekpe. Secondary data included books/book chapters, essays, journal articles, and research reports relevant to the theme of this paper. Findings show that women played an important role in the peace process. The paper demonstrates that amid gendered limitations and obstacles arising from conditions of extreme violence, women find their voices even if it is through processes like collectivising within a maternal framework, which aligns with the stereotypical idea that women are primarily mothers.
{"title":"Collectivising within the maternal framework: Prayer Warriors Forum of Rumuekpe","authors":"Onyinyechukwu Durueke","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2167767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2167767","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how the Prayer Warriors of Rumuekpe, Rivers State, Nigeria, a women human rights defenders group demonstrated their ability to contribute to the peace process despite the patriarchal structures that impede them and conditions of extreme violence. The women saw the need to adopt methods that were in their feminine domain and therefore framed their collective action as maternal. Motherhood is a cultural role already assigned to them, and they decided to utilise it to prevent backlash and victimisation from men in the community. Primary and secondary data sources have been used in this study. Primary data included field notes and 30 interviews with men and women in Rumuekpe. Secondary data included books/book chapters, essays, journal articles, and research reports relevant to the theme of this paper. Findings show that women played an important role in the peace process. The paper demonstrates that amid gendered limitations and obstacles arising from conditions of extreme violence, women find their voices even if it is through processes like collectivising within a maternal framework, which aligns with the stereotypical idea that women are primarily mothers.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44386272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167769
N. Johnston
ABSTRACT Gender-based harms experienced in conflict constitute a threat to the right of women and girls to live with dignity. However, transitional justice processes to manage the delicate nexus between peace and justice often do not consider these harms, resulting in adverse outcomes for women and girls in post-conflict societies. At the frontlines of the fight to address gender-based harms through transitional justice, women’s rights organisations (WROs) are uniquely placed to identify and advocate for the needs of women experiencing conflict and to provide integral services in conflict contexts. Despite this critical dual role, WROs in conflict settings are systematically excluded from transitional justice processes and chronically underfunded. Moreover, current literature lacks a nuanced understanding of how WROs work in transitional contexts and how international institutions can best foster their engagement and leadership. Expanding on the evidence base for the inclusion of WROs in transitional justice processes, this paper mobilises the concept of hybrid peace to analyse the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and understand the role of WROs in negotiating the interactions between internationalised peace-building processes and local realities. Research methods include a literature review and analysis of public statements from relevant WROs. This paper argues that WROs engaged with the ICTY played a critical role in building positive hybrid peace by: (1) advocating for and supporting the inclusion of gender-based harms in the internationalised transitional justice process; and (2) implementing localised peace formation and fostering positive gender relations at the community level. The research contributes to broader literature defining the role of WROs in the localisation of development and human rights norms.
{"title":"‘If You Want Peace, Create Peace’: women’s rights organisations as operatives of hybrid peace in the former Yugoslavia","authors":"N. Johnston","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2167769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2167769","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Gender-based harms experienced in conflict constitute a threat to the right of women and girls to live with dignity. However, transitional justice processes to manage the delicate nexus between peace and justice often do not consider these harms, resulting in adverse outcomes for women and girls in post-conflict societies. At the frontlines of the fight to address gender-based harms through transitional justice, women’s rights organisations (WROs) are uniquely placed to identify and advocate for the needs of women experiencing conflict and to provide integral services in conflict contexts. Despite this critical dual role, WROs in conflict settings are systematically excluded from transitional justice processes and chronically underfunded. Moreover, current literature lacks a nuanced understanding of how WROs work in transitional contexts and how international institutions can best foster their engagement and leadership. Expanding on the evidence base for the inclusion of WROs in transitional justice processes, this paper mobilises the concept of hybrid peace to analyse the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and understand the role of WROs in negotiating the interactions between internationalised peace-building processes and local realities. Research methods include a literature review and analysis of public statements from relevant WROs. This paper argues that WROs engaged with the ICTY played a critical role in building positive hybrid peace by: (1) advocating for and supporting the inclusion of gender-based harms in the internationalised transitional justice process; and (2) implementing localised peace formation and fostering positive gender relations at the community level. The research contributes to broader literature defining the role of WROs in the localisation of development and human rights norms.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41515435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2184529
Selime Büyükgöze
ABSTRACT The Istanbul Feminist Night March has been organised since 2003, and it has the distinction of being the most participatory feminist protest organised in Turkey. As the space for civil society in Turkey shrinks, feminists are the only dissident group that continue to take to the streets. However, the Feminist Night March has been banned by either the governor or the police under the pretext of ‘non-permitted places for protests’ in recent years. Despite the ban, hundreds of women gathered each year, but the intensity of the police violence escalated, and several cases have been taken to court against protestors since 2021. These attacks on feminist activists and the Feminist Night March take place against the backdrop of multiple attacks on women’s rights and gender equality in Turkey, which is symbolised in Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. In this article, the attacks on the March and activists will be discussed within the framework of how the Turkish government attempts to discredit feminists and feminist protest to achieve their anti-gender and family-oriented agenda.
{"title":"Strategies of discrediting: attacks on feminist activists in Turkey","authors":"Selime Büyükgöze","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2184529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2184529","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Istanbul Feminist Night March has been organised since 2003, and it has the distinction of being the most participatory feminist protest organised in Turkey. As the space for civil society in Turkey shrinks, feminists are the only dissident group that continue to take to the streets. However, the Feminist Night March has been banned by either the governor or the police under the pretext of ‘non-permitted places for protests’ in recent years. Despite the ban, hundreds of women gathered each year, but the intensity of the police violence escalated, and several cases have been taken to court against protestors since 2021. These attacks on feminist activists and the Feminist Night March take place against the backdrop of multiple attacks on women’s rights and gender equality in Turkey, which is symbolised in Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. In this article, the attacks on the March and activists will be discussed within the framework of how the Turkish government attempts to discredit feminists and feminist protest to achieve their anti-gender and family-oriented agenda.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47674968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT Numerous studies from North- and South-based scholars have examined the femicides and disappearances/abductions of women and girls in Juárez and Chihuahua, Mexico. The Campo Algodonero ruling of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (2009), where the Court held Mexico responsible for the handling of disappearances and murders of women, whose bodies, like tens of other women, have been found in public spaces in Juárez and Chihuahua, Mexico, is widely cited and analysed by feminist lawyers and researchers. Much less is known about the personal and first-hand experiences of women’s rights defenders who contributed to bringing just attention to this phenomenon. This article is about one of the most influential women’s rights defenders in Mexico in the last decades: Lucha Castro. Inspired by a feminist approach of making the personal political and using an auto-ethnographic methodology, this article is authored by Lucha Castro, her daughter, and granddaughter. In first person, and using their voices, they connect their anecdotal and personal experiences to provide a broader understanding of the political and social meanings of violence against women and the creativity deployed to defend human rights and challenge the law in one of the most dangerous places in the world, to be a woman. De nombreuses études menées par des experts basés dans les hémisphères Nord et Sud ont examiné les féminicides et les disparitions/enlèvements de femmes et de filles à Juárez et Chihuahua, au Mexique. De nombreux juristes et chercheurs féministes citent et analysent le jugement de Campo Algodonero de la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme (2009), dans le cadre duquel la Cour a tenu le Mexique responsable de la manière dont ont été traités les disparitions et les meurtres de femmes, dont les corps, comme ceux de dizaines d’autres femmes, ont été retrouvés dans des espaces publics à Juárez et Chihuahua, au Mexique. On en sait beaucoup moins sur les expériences personnelles et de première main des défenseurs des droits des femmes qui ont contribué à attirer une attention justifiée sur ce phénomène. Cet article porte sur l’une des défenseuses des droits des femmes les plus influentes du Mexique au cours des quelques dernières décennies: Lucha Castro. Inspiré par une approche féministe consistant à rendre ce qui est personnel politique et à l’aide d’une méthodologie auto-ethnographique, cet article est écrit par Lucha Castro, sa fille et sa petite-fille. Elles écrivent à la première personne et utilisent leurs propres voix pour connecter leurs expériences anecdotiques et personnelles afin d’aider à comprendre de manière plus large les significations politiques et sociales des violences à l’égard des femmes et de la créativité mise en œuvre pour défendre les droits humains et mettre la loi en cause dans l’un des lieux du monde où être une femme est le plus dangereux. Numerosos estudios de académicos del Norte y el Sur han examinado los feminicidios, las desa
摘要：来自北方和南方学者的大量研究审查了墨西哥华雷斯和奇瓦瓦杀害妇女和绑架妇女和女孩的情况。女权主义律师和研究人员广泛引用和分析了美洲人权法院的Campo Algodonero裁决（2009年），法院在墨西哥城负责处理妇女失踪和谋杀案，在墨西哥华雷斯和奇瓦瓦的公共空间发现了其他妇女的尸体。对帮助公正关注这一现象的妇女权利捍卫者的个人和第一手经验知之甚少。这篇文章是关于过去十年墨西哥最具影响力的妇女权利捍卫者之一：卢卡·卡斯特罗。这篇文章的灵感来自于一种女权主义的个人政治方法和使用自我民族志方法，由她的女儿和孙女卢卡·卡斯特罗撰写。首先，他们利用自己的声音，将自己的轶事和个人经历联系起来，以便更好地理解暴力侵害妇女行为的政治和社会含义以及捍卫人权和挑战世界上最危险的地方之一的法律的创造力，成为一名妇女。来自北半球和南半球的专家进行的许多研究调查了墨西哥华雷斯和奇瓦瓦杀害妇女和女孩以及失踪/绑架妇女和女孩的情况。许多女权主义律师和学者引用并分析了美洲人权法院2009年坎波·阿尔戈多内罗（Campo Algodonero）的判决，该判决要求墨西哥对处理妇女失踪和谋杀案的方式负责，这些妇女的尸体与其他数十名妇女的尸体一样，在墨西哥华雷斯和奇瓦瓦的公共场所被发现。对妇女权利维护者的个人和第一手经验知之甚少，这些经验有助于引起对这一现象的合理关注。这篇文章是关于墨西哥过去几十年中最具影响力的女权捍卫者之一：卢卡·卡斯特罗。这篇文章由卢卡·卡斯特罗（Lucha Castro）和她的女儿和孙女撰写，灵感来自于一种女权主义的方法，即将个人政治化，并使用自我民族志方法。他们以第一人称写作，并用自己的声音将自己的轶事和个人经历联系起来，以帮助更广泛地理解暴力侵害妇女行为的政治和社会含义，以及在世界上女性最危险的地方之一捍卫人权和挑战法律的创造力。墨西哥华雷斯和奇瓦瓦市的北学院和南学院研究、妇女研究、妇女研究和妇女研究。La Sentencia Campo Algodonero de La Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos（2009年），Ampliamente Citada y Analizada por Abogadas e Investigadoras Feministas，Responsibilizóa México del manejo dado a las desapariciones y los asesinatos de mujeres，Cuyos cuerpos，al igual que el de decenas de otras mujeres，Fueron encontrados en espacios públicos de Ciudad Juárez y Chihuahua，墨西哥。Mucho menos se sabe de las experiencias personales y de primera mano de las defensoras de derechos de las mujeres为我们的工作做出了贡献。Este artículo trata sobre una de las defensoras de derechos de las mujeres más influyentes en México durante lasúltimas décadas:Lucha Castro。Inspirado en un enfoque feminista de hacer político lo personal，y utilizando una metodología autoetnográfica，este artículo fue escrito por lucha castro，su hija y su nieta。首先是个人，然后是声音，然后是经验，个人轶事，以了解更多关于政治和社会意义的信息，这些信息涉及暴力、反妇女和创造性障碍，以捍卫人权，并将其归咎于世界上最重要的反妇女冲突的法律。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2023.2167634
S. Lin
ABSTRACT As a victim-survivor and feminist activist who participated in the #MeToo movement in China, I always have confusion and questions generated from my experiences and observations. The limited literature on Chinese social movements rarely utilises China situated frameworks, which reduces the understanding. This article focuses on ‘how #MeToo movement(s) manifest and evolve in China’ and aims to find out its ‘Chinese characteristics’. Through an analysis of two archives and my autoethnography using He-Yin Zhen’s feminist analytical concepts ‘nannü’ (man/woman) and ‘shengji’ (livelihood), Confucian moral outlook, and ‘Chinese characteristics’, I find that the movement displays ‘Chinese characteristics’ in multiple aspects. There is not one monolithic #MeToo movement in China but many with different agendas, although some of which are prioritised more than others. These findings stress the importance of privileging the historic-cultural context and personal perspectives in studying social movements. This article illustrates that situated feminist research is needed to reconstruct feminist studies in the global South, and that feminist movements need to consider the historical and cultural context, and challenge dominant romanticising and elitist discourses, in order to develop sustainably.
{"title":"#MeToo with Chinese characteristics – analysis through a lens of Chinese feminism","authors":"S. Lin","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2023.2167634","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2023.2167634","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As a victim-survivor and feminist activist who participated in the #MeToo movement in China, I always have confusion and questions generated from my experiences and observations. The limited literature on Chinese social movements rarely utilises China situated frameworks, which reduces the understanding. This article focuses on ‘how #MeToo movement(s) manifest and evolve in China’ and aims to find out its ‘Chinese characteristics’. Through an analysis of two archives and my autoethnography using He-Yin Zhen’s feminist analytical concepts ‘nannü’ (man/woman) and ‘shengji’ (livelihood), Confucian moral outlook, and ‘Chinese characteristics’, I find that the movement displays ‘Chinese characteristics’ in multiple aspects. There is not one monolithic #MeToo movement in China but many with different agendas, although some of which are prioritised more than others. These findings stress the importance of privileging the historic-cultural context and personal perspectives in studying social movements. This article illustrates that situated feminist research is needed to reconstruct feminist studies in the global South, and that feminist movements need to consider the historical and cultural context, and challenge dominant romanticising and elitist discourses, in order to develop sustainably.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48190582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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