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Racial and ethnic variation in the negativity bias-ideology connection: A registered report. 消极偏见与意识形态关系中的种族和民族差异:一份注册报告。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.19
Frank J Gonzalez, Rongbo Jin, Ianne Wang

This is a registered report for a study of racial and ethnic variation in the relationship between negativity bias and political attitudes. Pioneering work on the psychological and biological roots of political orientation has suggested that political conservatism is driven in large part by enhanced negativity bias. This work has been criticized on several theoretical fronts, and recent replication attempts have failed. To dig deeper into the contours of when (and among whom) negativity bias predicts conservatism, we investigate a surprisingly overlooked factor in existing literature: race and ethnicity. We propose that political issues represent threat or disgust in different ways depending on one's race and ethnicity. We recruited 174 White, Latinx, and Asian American individuals (in equal numbers) to examine how the relationship between negativity bias and political orientation varies by race/ethnicity across four domains: policing/criminal justice, immigration, economic redistribution, and religious social conservatism.

这是一份注册报告,用于研究种族和民族差异在消极偏见和政治态度之间的关系。关于政治取向的心理和生物学根源的开创性工作表明,政治保守主义在很大程度上是由增强的消极偏见驱动的。这项工作在几个理论前沿受到了批评,最近的复制尝试也失败了。为了更深入地挖掘消极偏见何时(以及在哪些人中)预示保守主义的轮廓,我们调查了现有文献中一个令人惊讶的被忽视的因素:种族和民族。我们认为,政治问题以不同的方式代表威胁或厌恶,这取决于一个人的种族和民族。我们招募了174名白人、拉丁裔和亚裔美国人(人数相等)来研究消极偏见和政治倾向之间的关系在四个领域(警务/刑事司法、移民、经济再分配和宗教社会保守主义)中如何随种族/民族而变化。
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引用次数: 2
Politics, preparedness, or resources Examining state responsiveness to the COVID-19 pandemic. 政治、准备或资源考察国家对COVID-19大流行的反应。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.10
Luisa Lucero, Luisa Diaz-Kope, Hadiza Galadima

U.S. states are often the primary decision makers during a public health crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic led to several different reopening processes across states based on their unique characteristics. We analyze whether states' reopening policy decisions were driven by their public health preparedness, resources, COVID-19 impact, or state politics and political culture. To do so, we summarized state characteristics and compared them across three categories of reopening scores in a bivariate analysis using the chi-square or Fisher exact test for the categorical variables and a one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) for the continuous variables. A cumulative logit model was used to assess the primary research question. A significant factor in a state's reopening decision was the party of the governor, regardless of the party in control of the legislature, state political culture, public health preparedness, cumulative number of deaths per 100,000, and Opportunity Index score.

在公共卫生危机期间,美国各州往往是主要决策者。COVID-19大流行导致各州根据其独特特征进行了几种不同的重新开放程序。我们分析了各州的重新开放政策决定是否受到其公共卫生准备、资源、COVID-19影响或州政治和政治文化的驱动。为此,我们总结了状态特征,并在双变量分析中对三类重开分数进行了比较,对分类变量使用卡方检验或Fisher精确检验,对连续变量使用单向方差分析(ANOVA)。使用累积logit模型来评估主要研究问题。一个州重新开放的决定的一个重要因素是州长的政党,而不管控制立法机构的政党、州的政治文化、公共卫生准备、每10万人的累积死亡人数和机会指数得分。
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引用次数: 0
Darwin and American public administration Woodrow Wilson's Darwinian argument for administration. 达尔文与美国公共行政伍德罗·威尔逊的达尔文主义行政论证。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2021.24
Benjamin Slomski

This research note addresses a gap in the public administration literature by arguing that a political Darwinism was present in the intellectual origins of American administrative theory. By examining the arguments of Woodrow Wilson, this article demonstrates that Darwinism complemented the German political thought that contributed to the establishment of America's administrative state. The application of Darwinian evolutionary biology to politics was a vital element of Wilson's reconceptualization of the state as a living organism. Darwinism was a key rhetorical tool employed by Wilson in his argument against the Constitution's separation of powers. This note finds that Darwinism was present in the early stages of public administration theory in Wilson's argumentation and persists today in the public administration literature. It concludes by sketching out an agenda for further research on Darwinism's influence on public administration.

本研究报告通过论证政治达尔文主义存在于美国行政理论的知识起源,解决了公共行政文献中的一个空白。本文通过考察伍德罗·威尔逊的观点,论证了达尔文主义对德国政治思想的补充,为美国行政国家的建立做出了贡献。将达尔文进化生物学应用于政治,是威尔逊将国家重新定义为一个活的有机体的一个重要因素。达尔文主义是威尔逊在反对宪法三权分立的论点中使用的一个关键修辞工具。本文发现,达尔文主义在威尔逊的论述中出现在公共行政理论的早期阶段,并在今天的公共行政文献中持续存在。最后,本文为进一步研究达尔文主义对公共行政的影响勾画了一个议程。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the issue 问题介绍
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.22
Gregg R. Murray
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引用次数: 0
In memoriam: Roger D. Masters (1933–2023) 纪念:罗杰·d·马斯特斯(1933-2023)
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.21
Gregg R. Murray
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引用次数: 0
Examining American attitudes toward vaccination during the COVID-19 pandemic from the perspective of negative and positive rights 从消极权利和积极权利的角度审视美国人在COVID-19大流行期间对疫苗接种的态度
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.17
Amanda Koong, Rose McDermott, Robert Kaplan
Abstract We examine the likely acceptance of the COVID-19 vaccine in the period prior to political polarization around vaccine mandates. Two representative cross-sectional surveys of 1,000 respondents were fielded in August and December 2020. The surveys included items about the COVID-19 vaccine and vaccine mandates. Respondents self-identifying as liberal were the least likely to believe the vaccine had undisclosed harmful effects ( p < .001), conservatives were the most likely ( p < .001), and moderates fell in between. Individuals with a bachelor’s degree were less likely to think the vaccine had undisclosed harmful effects than individuals without a bachelor’s degree ( p < .001), and 60.5% of those individuals did not support a government vaccine mandate. Political ideology was more often strongly associated with avoiding government involvement compared to education level. In summary, both liberal political ideology and higher education were significantly associated with endorsing intended vaccine uptake. We discuss these results in terms of positive versus negative rights.
我们研究了在围绕疫苗授权的政治两极分化之前,COVID-19疫苗可能被接受的情况。在2020年8月和12月对1000名受访者进行了两次代表性的横断面调查。调查包括有关COVID-19疫苗和疫苗授权的项目。自认为是自由派的受访者最不可能相信疫苗有未披露的有害影响(p <.001),保守派最有可能(p <.001),温和派介于两者之间。与没有学士学位的人相比,拥有学士学位的人不太可能认为疫苗有未披露的有害影响(p <.001),其中60.5%的人不支持政府强制接种疫苗。与教育水平相比,政治意识形态往往与避免政府干预有更强的联系。总之,自由的政治意识形态和高等教育都与支持疫苗接种有显著关联。我们从积极权利与消极权利的角度来讨论这些结果。
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引用次数: 0
PLS volume 42 issue 2 Front matter PLS第42卷第2期前事项
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.23
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引用次数: 0
Partisan niche construction: Out-party affect, geographic sorting, and mate selection 党派生态位建构:党派外影响、地理分类与配偶选择
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.19
Chano Arreguin
Abstract Partisans in the American electorate are affectively polarized, which coincides with the tendency for partisan geographic sorting. Could mate selection pressures contribute to this geographic tendency, and how might they interact with out-party affect? I propose a model in which an individual’s perception of their mate success in a niche is key. I argue that perceived mate success is a function of a niche’s partisanship and one’s out-party affect, which in turn, incentivizes sorting. The model is partially tested with conjoint experiments on multiple U.S. samples. Results show that partisans perceive a lower probability of mate success in niches with greater shares of out-partisans and that mate success interacts with negative out-party affect. I also replicate findings on political mate choice preferences with a more appropriate method. Lastly, this project links instrumentality and affect, which is a departure from past work. In doing so, it contributes to research on the consequences of mate pressures for political behavior.
摘要美国选民中的党派倾向在情感上呈现两极分化,这与党派地理分异的趋势是一致的。配偶选择的压力是否促成了这种地理倾向,以及它们如何与外部影响相互作用?我提出了一个模型,在这个模型中,个体对其配偶在一个利基中是否成功的看法是关键。我认为,感知到的配偶成功是一个利基的党派关系和一个人的党外影响的函数,这反过来又激励了排序。该模型在多个美国样本上进行了部分联合实验。结果表明,在党外分子数量较多的生态位中,党外分子认为配偶成功的可能性较低,并且配偶成功与消极的党外影响相互作用。我还用一种更合适的方法重复了关于政治配偶选择偏好的研究结果。最后,这个项目将工具性和情感联系起来,这与过去的作品有所不同。这样做有助于研究配偶压力对政治行为的影响。
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引用次数: 0
PLS volume 42 issue 2 Back matter PLS第42卷第2期
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.24
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引用次数: 0
Perceived vulnerability to infectious disease and perceived harmfulness are as predictive of citizen response to COVID-19 as partisanship 对传染病的易感性和危害性的感知与党派关系一样,可以预测公民对COVID-19的反应
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.14
Abigail Cassario
Abstract Partisans have biased perceptions of objective conditions. At first glance, the COVID-19 pandemic would appear to be an example of this phenomenon. Noting that most citizens have consistently agreed about the pandemic, I argue that we have overlooked pre-political factors that are as influential as partisanship in shaping citizens’ responses to the pandemic. I identify one such construct in perceived vulnerability to infectious disease (PVD). In one cross-sectional study and one panel study, I find that the influence of PVD on citizens’ perceptions of COVID-19 equals that of partisanship. I also find that PVD can moderate the influence of partisanship on perceptions of harmfulness, nearly erasing the impact of being a Republican on perceiving COVID-19 as a threat. When led by PVD as well as partisanship to accurately perceive harm, citizens, including Republicans, attribute more responsibility to former president Donald Trump for his failed handling of the crisis.
游击队员对客观条件有偏见。乍一看,2019冠状病毒病大流行似乎就是这种现象的一个例子。我注意到大多数公民对大流行病的看法始终一致,但我认为,我们忽视了政治前因素,这些因素在影响公民对大流行病的反应方面与党派关系一样有影响力。我在传染病的感知脆弱性(PVD)中发现了一个这样的结构。在一项横断面研究和一项小组研究中,我发现PVD对公民对COVID-19看法的影响等于党派关系的影响。我还发现,PVD可以缓和党派关系对危害认知的影响,几乎消除了作为共和党人对将COVID-19视为威胁的影响。在PVD和党派偏见的引导下,包括共和党人在内的公民准确地感知到了伤害,他们将更多的责任归咎于前总统唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)对危机的失败处理。
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Politics and the Life Sciences
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