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La ‘nueva’ Europa nacionalista que soñó el III Reich
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37516
Borja Pérez Climent
Resenha do livro: Dafinger, Johannes y Pohl, Dieter. A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler: Concepts of Europe and Transnational Networks in the National Socialist Sphere of Influence, 1933–1945. Londres – Nueva York: Routledge, 2020.
reenha do livro: Dafinger, Johannes y Pohl, Dieter。希特勒统治下的新民族主义欧洲:1933-1945年国家社会主义势力范围内的欧洲概念和跨国网络。伦敦-纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2020年。
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引用次数: 0
Conceptual Pattern of Fascist Ideology 法西斯意识形态的概念模式
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37520
C. Martins
In spite of all the definitions of fascism that were presented in the last decades and the “consensus” that was created around the definition proposed by Roger Griffin (which focuses on the ultranationalist and palingenetic core of fascism), authors like Michel Dobry have criticized the tendency to opt for what they see as “essentialist” approaches and to worry too much with classifications. Nevertheless, I argue that, although the more dynamic aspects of fascist ideology must be kept in mind, definitions and classifications are a necessary component of the work of the historian that tries to make sense of the era of fascism. For this reason, I here have the goal of arriving at a new definition of fascism by making use of the conceptual morphological approach, put forward by Michael Freeden, which has never been systematically applied to the study of fascism and can lead us to new and interesting conclusions about the nature of this ideology. This essay is, thus, a reassessment of a research that I previously carried out and shall be read as a refined version of that study, which tried to define fascism through the core concepts that are part of its conceptual pattern. As it is made clear in the text, the concepts that I believe to be central to fascism are: Nation, State, Synthessis, Revolution, Authority and Violence.
尽管在过去的几十年里,法西斯主义的所有定义都被提出,并且围绕罗杰·格里芬(Roger Griffin)提出的定义(其重点是法西斯主义的极端民族主义和旧遗传核心)形成了“共识”,但像米歇尔·多布里(Michel Dobry)这样的作家批评了选择他们所认为的“本质主义”方法的倾向,并对分类过于担心。然而,我认为,尽管法西斯意识形态的更动态的方面必须牢记在心,定义和分类是历史学家试图理解法西斯主义时代的工作的必要组成部分。出于这个原因,我在这里的目标是通过使用Michael Freeden提出的概念形态学方法来得出法西斯主义的新定义,这种方法从未被系统地应用于法西斯主义的研究,但可以让我们对这种意识形态的本质得出新的有趣的结论。因此,本文是对我之前进行的一项研究的重新评估,并应作为该研究的改进版本来阅读,该研究试图通过作为其概念模式一部分的核心概念来定义法西斯主义。正如文中明确指出的,我认为法西斯主义的核心概念是:民族、国家、综合、革命、权威和暴力。
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引用次数: 0
Los orígenes del fascismo chino: el impacto de la colaboración nacionalista-comunista y la legitimidad de la lucha nacional (1927-1931) 中国法西斯主义的起源:民族主义-共产主义合作的影响和民族斗争的合法性(1927-1931)
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37511
Chiao-In Chen
La representación más importante del movimiento fascista chino, también conocida por su nombre original de Sociedad de la Práctica Rigurosa de los Tres Principios del Pueblo (o Lixingshe), se estructuró a inicios de 1932 en la capital del régimen nacionalista de Nanjing. Sus miembros fueron militares del ejército nacionalista revolucionario chino que compartieron formación militar en la Academia Militar Huangpu durante la segunda mitad de los años veinte, en un contexto forjado por la etapa de colaboración entre nacionalistas y comunistas. En este artículo se aproximará a las actividades previas a la formación de Lixingshe, donde las trayectorias anticomunistas, la creación de una interpretación fascistizada de las doctrinas “sunyatsenista” y el vínculo de la fidelidad hacia el líder Chiang Kai-shek, determinarían su camino inicial. Asimismo, el artículo propone interpretar el ambiente de los años veinte en Asia Oriental como la base necesaria para entender la característica defensiva y antiimperial del fascismo chino.
1932年初,中国法西斯运动最重要的代表,也被称为“三民主义严格实践协会”(或“立星社”),在国民党政权的首都南京成立。它的成员是中国民族主义革命军的士兵,他们在20世纪20年代后半期在黄埔军事学院接受过军事训练,当时的背景是民族主义和共产主义的合作。在这篇文章中,我们将探讨立志社形成之前的活动,反共的轨迹,对“孙雅森主义”教义的法西斯解释的创造,以及对领导人蒋介石的忠诚纽带,将决定立志社最初的道路。本文以20世纪20年代东亚的环境为基础,探讨了中国法西斯主义的防御性和反帝国主义特征。
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引用次数: 0
Zarco Moniz Ferreira and the Portuguese radical right-wing between authoritarianism and democracy: a biographical approach 扎尔科·莫尼兹·费雷拉与葡萄牙激进右翼在威权主义与民主之间:传记的方法
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37488
Riccardo Marchi, T. Pinto
In the 1960s and 1970s, Portugal witnessed a cycle of political radicalisation on the right and left, in the context of the crisis and fall of the authoritarian Salazarist regime, and the transition to democracy after the military coup of 1974. For the right wing, radicalisation was led by young university students inspired by the Portuguese nationalism of the first half of the 20th century, but also by foreign doctrines from the inter-war period, and by the neo-fascist subculture immediately after the second world war. This article explores the mobilisation of this radical subculture, with its links to the Estado Novo and the European far right, through a bibliographical appreciation of one of its best-known leaders, nationally and internationally: Zarco Moniz Ferreira. From his career as a political activist, between the end of authoritarianism and the democratic transition, a faithful picture emerges of the characteristics, dynamics, successes and failures of the mobilisation of the far-right in those troubled years of recent Portuguese history.
在20世纪60年代和70年代,葡萄牙经历了左翼和右翼政治激进化的循环,当时正值萨拉萨独裁政权的危机和倒台,以及1974年军事政变后向民主的过渡。对于右翼来说,激进化是由年轻的大学生领导的,他们受到20世纪上半叶葡萄牙民族主义的启发,但也受到两次世界大战期间的外国教义以及二战后的新法西斯亚文化的影响。本文通过对国内和国际上最著名的领导人之一扎尔科·莫尼兹·费雷拉的书目欣赏,探讨了这一激进亚文化的动员,以及它与新国家和欧洲极右翼的联系。从他作为一名政治活动家的职业生涯中,在威权主义结束和民主过渡之间,一幅忠实的画面展现了葡萄牙近代史上那些动荡岁月中极右翼动员的特点、动态、成功和失败。
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引用次数: 0
Fascismo além das fronteiras europeias? Ação Integralista Brasileira e o fascismo no Brasil 超越欧洲边界的法西斯主义?巴西整合主义行动和巴西法西斯主义
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37336
Gabriela De Lima Grecco
O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar o surgimento e o desenvolvimento do maior movimento fascista na América Latina: a Ação Integralista Brasileira. Para tanto, em um primeiro momento, realizar-se-á uma aproximação em relação aos debates historiográficos sobre a existência ou não do fascismo extra-europeu.  Posteriormente, faz-se necessário discutir, a partir dos debates mais atuais na chamada escola sobre “estudos sobre fascismo”, o surgimento da Ação Integralista Brasileira à luz da interpretação do historiador Roger Griffin sobre modernismo e fascismo. Para finalizar, analisar-se-á a construção e as principais ideias do movimento signatário para, então, concluir, com uma reflexão sobre a existência e desenvolvimento do integralismo pós-guerra: o neointegralismo.  
本文旨在分析拉丁美洲最大的法西斯运动——巴西整合主义运动的出现和发展。为此,首先,将对关于非欧洲法西斯主义是否存在的史学辩论进行近似。随后,有必要根据历史学家罗杰·格里芬对现代主义和法西斯主义的解释,从所谓的“法西斯主义研究”学派当前的争论中,讨论巴西整合主义行动的出现。最后,我们将分析签署运动的结构和主要思想,然后总结,反思战后整合主义的存在和发展:新整合主义。
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引用次数: 0
As relações entre os governos fascistizados de Franco e Vargas no contexto da Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939) 西班牙内战背景下佛朗哥和瓦格斯法西斯政府的关系(1936-1939)
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37438
Eliane Venturini de Oliveira
Este artigo apresenta uma breve análise dos governos de Getúlio Vargas no Brasil e de Francisco Franco na Espanha - ambos com características próximas ao fascismo – e de suas relações no período da Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), considerada um dos exemplos dapersonificação dos embates entre os grupos de esquerda e de direita de sua época. Este artigobusca demonstrar que ambos os governos podem ser classificados como “fascistizados”, ou seja, possuem características que os aproximam da definição clássica de fascismo, mas ao mesmo tempo mantém outros aspectos que os afastam da classificação tradicional.
本文简要分析政府getulio Vargas的巴西和西班牙的佛朗哥法西斯主义—-我们都密切相关的关系在西班牙内战(1936 - -1939),被认为是其中一个例子dapersonificação左翼和右翼团体之间的冲突的时间。这篇文章试图证明,两国政府都可以被归类为“法西斯主义”,也就是说,它们具有接近法西斯主义经典定义的特征,但同时也保留了与传统分类不同的其他方面。
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引用次数: 0
Sensibilidades estéticas, regeneración y virilidad: sobre la mirada falangista de posguerra al fin de siglo 美学敏感性,再生和阳刚之气:关于战后到本世纪末长枪党外观
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37944
Zira Box
El presente artículo parte de la dimensión regeneracionista que, en tanto fascismo, tuvo el discurso falangista de la inmediata posguerra española para asumir que, tal y como ocurrió en otros contextos nacionales y otros discursos emergidos entre el último tercio del siglo XIX y las dos primeras décadas del siglo XX, este tuvo una dimensión de género: si bien la decadencia se pensó a partir de procesos de afeminamiento, la regeneración lo hizo articulándose con la noción de virilidad. Para el caso específico español, este texto asume que los fascistas de los años 40 se presentaron como continuidades, aunque en una versión totalitaria y antiliberal, de las corrientes regeneracionistas previas. A partir de la idea anterior, se propone la hipótesis de que la inspiración que los falangistas encontraron en quienes les habían precedido tuvo que ver con la posibilidad de interpretar en clave de regeneradora virilidad algunos de los elementos presentes en los discursos finiseculares. Simultáneamente, se sugiere la idea de que dicha mirada al fin del siglo no se basó solo en la posibilidad de elaborar una retórica nacional, sino que también se acompañó de una sensibilidad estética en la que se buscó que el contenido (la España viril) encajase con la forma(la expresión estética de la nación viril).
本条regeneracionista层面的一部分,而法西斯主义,这次演讲立即战后西班牙长枪党承担,正如发生在其他国家和其他背景演讲座环十九世纪最后三分之一至二20世纪最初几十年,这有性别层面:虽然过程起原先的危急,再生了articulándose气概的概念。对于西班牙的具体案例,本文假设20世纪40年代的法西斯主义者是之前复兴主义潮流的延续,尽管是极权主义和反自由主义版本。在这篇文章中,我们提出了一种假设,即长枪党成员在他们的前任身上找到的灵感,与他们能够以再生的男子气概来解释他们在最后几代演讲中的一些元素有关。同时,建议这种观念不只是基于世纪最后拟订国家言论,还伴随着一个灵敏度美学在男子找内容(西班牙)encajase与男子(修辞格美学的境界)。
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引用次数: 0
Fascismo feminino latino
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.38390
Vitória De Almeida Machado, Gabbiana Clamer Fonseca Falavigna dos Reis
A América Latina ainda é um tema recente nos estudos sobre o fascismo. Apesar das pesquisas existentes, poucas ainda procuraram analisar a participação das mulheres nesses movimentos. Com isso, busca-se analisar os fascismos na América Latina, especialmente em relação à participação das mulheres em duas organizações: Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB) e a peruana, Unión Revolucionaria (UR). Nesses países, o fascismo foi para além de um movimento e se concretizou em partidos políticos, possibilitando a visualização de uma estrutura orgânica e organizada politicamente. A partir de uma reflexão inicial, a pesquisa tem como foco a comparação entre as mulheres peruanas e brasileiras, principalmente pela relevância dos movimentos e pela ausência de estudos que trabalhem nessa perspectiva.
拉丁美洲仍然是法西斯主义研究的一个新课题。尽管有现有的研究,但很少有人试图分析妇女参与这些运动的情况。因此,我们试图分析拉丁美洲的法西斯主义,特别是妇女参与两个组织:acao Integralista Brasileira (AIB)和union Revolucionaria (UR)。在这些国家,法西斯主义超越了一场运动,并在政党中具体化,使政治组织的有机结构得以形象化。从最初的反思开始,研究的重点是秘鲁和巴西妇女之间的比较,主要是因为这些运动的相关性和缺乏从这一角度工作的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Education under National Socialism: Ideology, Programs and Practice 国家社会主义教育:思想、纲领与实践
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.38589
Jakob Benecke, Jörg-W. Link
The article provides a condensed, introductory overview of National Socialist formation education in the Hitler Youth and school. It is based on the author’s own research and relevant presentations. Education under National Socialism was characterized by the interplay of a racist worldview and the regime’s totalitarian will to rule. For Nazi education, this meant that the political took precedence over all social issues, including all issues relevant from the perspective of educational theory. In our analysis, we distinguish between two levels: the level of standardization and the level of educational practices in the Hitler Youth and school. Particularly during World War II, political demands were increasingly rigidly enforced, and adolescents were increasingly instrumentalized for their purposes. The National Socialists’ aspirations for total control compared to the educational reality exhibited correspondences as well as discrepancies and contradictions. Against the background of traditional tasks of education, the verdict on Nazi education from a normative point of view is clearly negative. However, if one also looks at National Socialist educational practices, one notices numerous characteristic ambivalences – between the partly contradictory demands of the National Socialist regime, but also between its educational practices and its attempts at realization. On the one hand, National Socialists achieved comprehensive formative successes, while on the other hand they often failed because of their totalitarian objectives.
本文简要介绍了希特勒青年团和学校的国家社会主义形成教育。它是基于作者自己的研究和相关报告。在国家社会主义统治下,教育的特点是种族主义世界观和极权主义统治意志的相互作用。对于纳粹教育来说,这意味着政治问题优先于一切社会问题,包括一切与教育理论相关的问题。在我们的分析中,我们区分了两个层面:标准化水平和希特勒青年团和学校的教育实践水平。特别是在第二次世界大战期间,政治要求越来越严格地执行,青少年越来越多地被用作他们的工具。与教育现实相比,国家社会主义者对完全控制的渴望既显示出对应,也显示出差异和矛盾。在传统教育任务的背景下,从规范的角度对纳粹教育的判断显然是否定的。然而,如果我们也看看国家社会主义的教育实践,我们会注意到许多典型的矛盾——在国家社会主义政权部分矛盾的要求之间,以及在其教育实践和实现之间。一方面,国家社会主义者取得了全面的成功,而另一方面,由于他们的极权主义目标,他们经常失败。
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引用次数: 0
"Há algo mais transnacional do que a própria idéia de nação?". Entrevista com Ismael Saz (Universitat de València) “还有什么比国家这个概念更跨国的吗?”采访伊斯梅尔·萨兹(巴伦西亚大学)
Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.39492
Leandro Pereira Pereira Gonçalves, Toni Morant i Ariño
Entrevista con Ismael Saz (Universitat de València)
采访 Ismael Saz(瓦伦西亚大学)
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引用次数: 0
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Locus: Revista de História
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