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Labor Relations in the Saginaw Valley Lumber Industry, 1865–1885 萨吉诺河谷木材工业的劳资关系,1865-1885
Pub Date : 1953-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500025186
A. S. Goodstein
In the years after the Civil War, American industrial development was rapid. Mushrooming factory towns became, with the exploitation of timber and mineral resources, a characteristic feature even in frontier areas. The Saginaw Valley of Michigan mirrors this phenomenon. A lumberman's frontier, it grew to be a major center of lumber production for the nation. An essential factor in this industrial expansion was the growth of the labor force. In 1850 a single mill of the Valley employed 12 or 14 men; by 1885 it required the services of 75 to 150 men and in some cases of 200. In 1885 over 4,000 men were employed in the mills of the Valley. Such growth of the industry and of the labor force introduced serious problems of labor relations. This article is concerned with a description and analysis of labor relations in the sawmills of the Saginaw Valley from 1865 to 1885. Labor relations rest to a great extent upon attitudes; the attitudes of the employer, of the employee, and in some cases of the rest of the community. Presumably these attitudes have a basis in the conditions under which the industry is operated and under which the labor force works and lives.
南北战争后的几年里,美国工业发展迅速。随着木材和矿产资源的开发,工业城镇如雨后春笋般涌现,甚至在边疆地区也成为一个特色。密歇根州的萨吉诺山谷反映了这一现象。一个伐木工人的边疆,它成长为一个主要的木材生产中心的国家。这种工业扩张的一个重要因素是劳动力的增长。1850年,山谷里的一个磨坊雇佣了12或14个人;到1885年,它需要75到150人,有时甚至需要200人。1885年,山谷的工厂雇佣了4000多名工人。这种工业和劳动力的增长带来了严重的劳资关系问题。本文对1865年至1885年间萨吉诺河谷锯木厂的劳资关系进行了描述和分析。劳动关系在很大程度上取决于态度;雇主的态度,雇员的态度,在某些情况下,社区其他人的态度。据推测,这些态度在行业运作以及劳动力工作和生活的条件下是有根据的。
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引用次数: 1
Editor's Column 编辑列
Pub Date : 1953-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500025228
D. Royal
In an industry cursed by periodic overproduction, the employers may be pleased to have their workers go on strike. This is one of the major conclusions of Anita Shafer Goodstein's study of labor relations in the lumber industry of the Saginaw Valley, Michigan, 1865-1885. Mrs. Goodstein, by careful use of the business correspondence of a large lumber producer, illuminates the lumber magnate's attitudes on labor questions. To these executives, the conditions of employment were determined by stern economic laws, which were to be interpreted by the employers themselves. Any employee unwilling to accept the results of this procedure could look elsewhere for work. Mrs. Goodstein shows the numerous influences playing on wages and hours in the Saginaw Valley: competition in the lumber markets with Canadian producers who had lower labor costs than the American firms; the significance of seasonal and cyclical fluctuations in business; the inevitable appearance of company towns in a rapidly expanding frontier region; the removal of the industry elsewhere as the timber resources of the Saginaw Valley were exhausted.
在一个被周期性生产过剩所诅咒的行业中,雇主可能会高兴地看到他们的工人罢工。这是Anita Shafer Goodstein对1865-1885年密歇根州萨吉诺山谷木材工业劳资关系研究的主要结论之一。古德斯坦夫人仔细地使用了一家大型木材生产商的商业信函,阐明了这位木材大亨对劳工问题的态度。对这些行政人员来说,雇佣条件是由严格的经济法决定的,而这些经济法是由雇主自己解释的。任何不愿接受这一程序结果的员工都可以另谋出路。古德斯坦夫人展示了对萨吉诺山谷工资和工时的众多影响:与劳动力成本低于美国公司的加拿大生产商在木材市场上的竞争;商业中的季节性和周期性波动的重要性;快速扩张的边疆地区必然出现公司城镇;随着萨吉诺山谷的木材资源枯竭,该产业被转移到其他地方。
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引用次数: 0
Business Manuscripts in Baker Library 贝克图书馆商业手稿
Pub Date : 1953-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500025216
Robert W. Lovett
Twenty-one years ago Baker Library, Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, acquired the early records of Pierson & Company, dealers in iron and makers of nails and screws, at Ramapo, New York. But only now has the organization and listing of these materials, dated from 1795 to 1865, been completed. The Piersons began making cut nails in New York City in 1787 or 1788. In 1795 Josiah G. Pierson obtained a patent on a nail-making machine which is reported to have been the first such device “that produced satisfactory results and was generally used.” That same year Pierson established a plant at Ramapo, a village in Rockland County, New York, not far from the New Jersey line. The plant included a rolling and slitting mill; raw materials were received through Haverstraw, and finished goods were shipped by the same route to New York City, where an office and store were maintained at 107 Broad Street. Josiah Pierson died in 1798, and shortly Jeremiah H. and Isaac P. Pierson were carrying on the business under the firm name of Josiah G. Pierson & Brothers.
21年前,哈佛大学工商管理研究生院的贝克图书馆(Baker Library)获得了皮尔逊公司(Pierson & Company)的早期记录,这家公司位于纽约拉马波(Ramapo),经营铁,生产钉子和螺丝。但直到现在才完成了这些材料的组织和清单,这些材料的日期从1795年到1865年。皮尔逊一家于1787年或1788年在纽约市开始制作剪指甲。1795年,Josiah G. Pierson获得了制钉机的专利,据说这是第一个“产生令人满意的结果并被广泛使用”的装置。同年,皮尔森在离新泽西线不远的纽约州罗克兰县的村庄拉马波建立了一家工厂。该工厂包括一台轧制和分切机;原材料通过Haverstraw接收,制成品通过同样的路线运往纽约市,在Broad街107号有一个办公室和商店。乔赛亚·皮尔森于1798年去世,不久,耶利米·h·和艾萨克·p·皮尔森以乔赛亚·g·皮尔森兄弟公司的名义继续经营着生意。
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引用次数: 1
BHR volume 27 issue 4 Cover and Front matter BHR第27卷第4期封面和封面问题
Pub Date : 1953-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0007680500025174
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引用次数: 0
New Facets on the Financing and Marketing of Early Printed Books 早期印刷图书融资与营销的新认识
Pub Date : 1953-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500025198
D. Roover, Florence Edler
The earliest printers in Europe faced financial, storage, and marketing problems not unlike those of new industries today: how to attract operating capital for production and for carrying inventories, where to store a slow-moving and bulky stock, and how to overcome the prejudice against a new product, in order to create an extensive market. These were the three major difficulties that the first printers in Italy as well as elsewhere had to surmount. In the Benedictine monastery, at Subiaco, south of Rome, in 1465, two German printers, Conrad Sweynheym and Arnold Pannartz, had set up a printing press, which two years later they moved to Rome. Other Germans introduced printing into Milan and Venice in 1469 and the following year into Foligno and Trevi. By 1472, Venice had over a half dozen competing printing offices established by German and by French printers. About fifteen other Italian cities had at least one printing office.
欧洲最早的印刷厂所面临的财务、存储和营销问题与今天的新兴工业所面临的问题没有什么不同:如何为生产和库存吸引运营资本,在哪里储存流动缓慢且数量庞大的库存,以及如何克服对新产品的偏见,以创造一个广阔的市场。这是意大利和其他地方的第一批印刷商必须克服的三个主要困难。1465年,在罗马南部苏比亚科的本笃会修道院里,两个德国印刷工康拉德·斯威恩海姆和阿诺德·潘那茨建立了一家印刷厂,两年后他们搬到了罗马。1469年,其他德国人将印刷术引入米兰和威尼斯,次年又将印刷术引入福里尼奥和特莱维。到1472年,威尼斯有超过六家由德国和法国印刷商建立的相互竞争的印刷厂。大约其他十五个意大利城市至少有一个印刷厂。
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引用次数: 18
A German Eighteenth-Century Iron Works During its First Hundred Years: Notes Contributing to the Unwritten History of European Aristocratic Business Leadership—II 18世纪德国第一个100年的铁厂:欧洲贵族商业领导的不成文历史注释2
Pub Date : 1953-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500025150
Elder Einsiedel
If one remembers Count Detlev von Einsiedel's character and achievements, as described in the first installment of this article, one will not be surprised that under his leadership a spirit of scientific enlightenment, of restless improvement, and of innovation came to permeate the Lauchhammer Works so that it became one of the leading German iron works. To be sure, genuine primary innovation was rare, as it is by necessity. Only in the case of casting figures and in that of enameling iron utensils was something brought into existence in the Lauchhammer plants that had never existed before. But on top of that, there were numerous derivative innovations, i.e., innovations as far as that particular part of Germany was concerned. Or to put it differently, the elder Count Einsiedel transferred to Saxony achievements made in the most advanced areas of eighteenth-century iron industry. It is from this point of view that the following presentation must be read, a presentation in which the Count's primary innovations, previously described, are not mentioned again.
如果你记得德特列夫·冯·艾恩西德尔伯爵的性格和成就,正如本文第一部分所描述的那样,你就不会感到惊讶,在他的领导下,一种科学启蒙精神、不断改进和创新精神渗透到劳赫哈默工厂,使它成为德国领先的钢铁工厂之一。可以肯定的是,真正的初级创新是罕见的,因为这是必要的。只有在铸造人像和给铁器上搪瓷的情况下,劳哈默工厂才有了以前从未有过的东西。但除此之外,还有许多衍生创新,也就是说,就德国的特定地区而言的创新。或者换句话说,老埃恩西德尔伯爵把18世纪钢铁工业最先进领域的成就转移到了萨克森。正是从这一观点出发,我们必须阅读下面的陈述,在这一陈述中,伯爵的主要创新,即上文所述,不再被提及。
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引用次数: 1
An English Merchant House in China After 1842 1842年后在中国的一家英国商行
Pub Date : 1953-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500083756
S. Checkland
A good deal has been written about general commerce between Britain and China in the mid-nineteenth century. But little is available to illuminate the problems of trading as they confronted particular persons or commercial Houses. The surviving records of Rathbone, Worthington and Co. make possible a study of the question: what sort of calculation did rational men attempt in order to turn to profit these new and inchoate markets?
关于十九世纪中叶英国和中国之间的一般贸易,已经写了大量的文章。但是,对于特定的个人或商业公司所面临的交易问题,几乎没有什么可以阐明的。现存的拉斯伯恩、沃辛顿等公司的记录使我们有可能研究这样一个问题:理性的人为了使这些新兴的、不成熟的市场获利,进行了什么样的计算?
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引用次数: 4
BHR volume 27 issue 3 Cover and Front matter BHR第27卷第3期封面和封面问题
Pub Date : 1953-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0007680500025137
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引用次数: 0
Editor's Column 编辑列
Pub Date : 1953-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0007680500025162
Detlev von Einsiedel
Some historians have regarded the Civil War of 1861-1865 as sufficient explanation of the disruption and relative backwardness of the Southern economy. Those who have felt the need for additional analysis have often stopped after pointing to the alleged horrors of Radical Reconstruction or the alleged exploitation of the Southern economy by Northern business interests. J. Carlyle Sitterson, of the history faculty at the University of North Carolina, takes a more comprehensive view in his article on the southern sugar industry from 1850 to 1910. He shows the significance for this industry of factors which did not originate in the United States at all: the rise of new producing areas abroad, the gradual penetration of the new sciences of agronomy and chemistry into the sugar industry. By working chiefly with plantation records, he is able to trace the interaction of production costs, sugar prices, technological changes, marketing methods, problems of recruiting labor and organizing it into an efficient work force. At the center of these interacting forces was the planter-manager, charged with combining all of these functions in such a way that the productive unit would be profitable. Students of business history will note another feature of Professor Sitterson's story. During the late nineteenth century, many American firms, in fields as diverse as manufacturing and retailing, sought survival by means of integration. But in those years the existing integration in the sugar industry was destroyed. Vertical integration decreased as planters began to specialize in the cultivation of sugar cane, while central factories for the production of raw and refined sugar were operated by independent firms. And horizontal concentration also was reduced with the appearance of numerous small farmers and tenants as producers of sugar cane. Dr. Fritz Redlich continues in this issue his account of the Lauchhammer Iron Works, which was begun in the June issue of the BULLETIN. The present installment focuses on the efforts of Count Detlev von Einsiedel and his son to introduce in the Lauchhammer Works the most advanced methods which had been developed in
一些历史学家认为1861-1865年的内战足以解释南方经济的混乱和相对落后。那些认为有必要进行进一步分析的人往往在指出所谓的激进重建的恐怖或所谓的北方商业利益对南方经济的剥削之后就停下来了。北卡罗来纳大学历史系的J. Carlyle Sitterson在他的文章中对1850年到1910年的南方制糖业有更全面的看法。他指出了一些根本不是起源于美国的因素对制糖业的重要性:国外新产区的兴起,新的农学和化学科学逐渐渗透到制糖业中。通过主要研究种植园记录,他能够追踪生产成本、糖价、技术变革、营销方法、招聘劳动力和将其组织成高效劳动力的问题之间的相互作用。这些相互作用的力量的中心是种植园经理,他负责将所有这些职能结合起来,使生产单位能够盈利。学商业史的学生会注意到西特森教授故事的另一个特点。在19世纪后期,许多美国公司,从制造业到零售业,都通过整合来寻求生存。但在那些年里,糖业现有的整合被破坏了。随着种植园主开始专门种植甘蔗,垂直整合减少了,而生产原糖和精制糖的中央工厂则由独立公司经营。水平集中度也随着大量小农户和佃户成为甘蔗生产者而降低。弗里茨·雷德利希博士在本期中继续他对劳哈默铁厂的描述,这是在6月份的《公报》上开始的。本部分重点介绍德特列夫·冯·艾恩西德尔伯爵和他的儿子在劳赫哈默作品中引入的最先进的方法
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引用次数: 0
Expansion, Reversion, and Revolution in the Southern Sugar Industry: 1850–1910 南方制糖业的扩张、恢复和革命:1850-1910
Pub Date : 1953-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0007680500025149
J. C. Sitterson
Historians have properly considered the period of sectional strife to be a germinal source of major determinative forces in American history. Yet, preoccupation with the Civil War and Reconstruction, their causes and consequences, has so dominated the interests of historians of the South that they may well have neglected or misunderstood many of the basic economic developments of the region. Let us be more skeptical of the plausible and widely held assumptions that the war was responsible for the economic institutions of the New South or that radical Reconstruction can be held accountable for many of the major economic problems of the post-Reconstruction era. The primary purpose of this article is to treat in summary fashion the broad developments in one southern industry, developments which in themselves suggest that the time has arrived to study southern economic development for its own sake.
历史学家正确地认为,派系斗争时期是美国历史上主要决定性力量的萌芽来源。然而,对内战和重建及其原因和后果的关注占据了南方历史学家的兴趣,以至于他们很可能忽视或误解了该地区的许多基本经济发展。让我们更加怀疑那些看似合理且被广泛接受的假设,即战争导致了新南方的经济制度,或者激进的重建可以为重建后时代的许多重大经济问题负责。本文的主要目的是对南方某一产业的广泛发展进行总结,这些发展本身就表明,研究南方经济发展的时机已经到来。
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引用次数: 1
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Bulletin of the Business Historical Society
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