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Coaliciones interétnicas, framing y estrategias de movilización contra centrales hidroeléctricas en Chile: ¿Qué podemos aprender de los casos de Ralco y Neltume? 反对智利水力发电厂的种族间联盟、框架和动员策略:我们能从Ralco和Neltume的案例中学到什么?
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.23870/MARLAS.180
Christian Martínez Neira, Gonzalo Delamaza
A partir del analisis longitudinal de dos casos, se analiza el activismo etnico en coaliciones contenciosas contra la construccion de centrales hidroelectricas en Chile. Nos preguntamos sobre el rendimiento de las coaliciones interetnicas y de las condiciones que lo hacen posible. Se propone un modelo de analisis multidimensional que busca establecer aquellos factores distintivos que podrian ayudar a explicar los resultados en uno y otro caso. Se concluye, que si bien el contexto politico puede facilitar o limitar el desarrollo de cada caso, los factores mas relevantes tienen que ver con la capacidad asociativa local, la construccion de un framing transversal, el apoyo o coincidencia con diversas instituciones publicas, y la identificacion de una economia local alternativa al proyecto. Two cases are analyzed longitudinally to examine ethnic activism in contentious coalitions against the construction of hydroelectric plants in Chile. We want to assess the success of interethnic coalitions and the conditions that contribute to it. A multidimensional model is proposed that seeks to define specific factors that would help explain the results in each case. We conclude that, although the political context can facilitate or limit development in either case, the most relevant factors are related to the local associative capacity, construction of transversal framing, support by, or coincidence with, diverse public institutions, and identification of a local economy alternative to the project.
本文分析了智利反对水电站建设的有争议的联盟中的种族激进主义。我们想知道跨种族联盟的表现以及使之成为可能的条件。本文提出了一个多维分析模型,试图建立那些独特的因素,可以帮助解释在这两种情况下的结果。政治情况,得出结论认为,虽然可以促进或限制发展个案最相关的因素与地方社会能力,肯尼亚的一个跨framing公开支持或匹配各种机构、当地经济和识别替代项目。本文对两个案例进行了纵向分析,以考察智利反对水电建设的有争议联盟中的种族激进主义。我们希望评估种族间联盟的成功以及促成这种联盟的条件。提出了一个多维模型,力求定义有助于解释每一种情况的结果的具体因素。我们的结论是,尽管政治环境可以促进或限制发展,但最相关的因素与地方联合能力、建立跨部门框架、支持或与各种公共机构相匹配、以及确定项目的地方经济替代方案有关。
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引用次数: 16
Guadalupe Pérez-Anzaldo. 2014. El espectáculo de la violencia en el cine mexicano del siglo XXI. México, D.F.: Ediciones Eón. 瓜达卢佩·佩雷斯·安扎尔多。2014年。21世纪墨西哥电影中的暴力表演。墨西哥城:EON版。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.23870/MARLAS.190
Sabrina S. Laroussi
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引用次数: 0
Exploring a Civil Resistance Approach to Examining U.S. Military Base Politics: The Case of Manta, Ecuador 探索美国军事基地政治的公民抵抗方法:以厄瓜多尔曼塔为例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.23870/MARLAS.177
Anna Ikeda
U.S. troops withdrew from the forward operating location (FOL) in Manta, Ecuador, in 2009 after a decade of presence. The withdrawal was celebrated not only by Ecuadorian activists, who had protested the FOL since it was established in 1999, but also by anti-U.S. military base movements around the world, which became connected through the transnational “No Bases” network and considered this a “people’s victory.” To advance our understanding of the role of such movements and their agency in U.S. military base politics, I borrow from civil resistance literature that holds a pluralistic view of power and examine the campaign to close the FOL in Manta through the lens of this conceptual framework, which revealed some limitations to the approach. I discuss areas that require further improvements in order for the framework to offer more rigorous explanations of anti-U.S. military base campaigns and their outcomes.
美军在驻扎了十年后,于2009年从厄瓜多尔曼塔的前沿作战基地撤出。厄瓜多尔活动人士不仅庆祝撤军,他们自1999年FOL成立以来一直抗议FOL,世界各地的反美军事基地运动也庆祝撤军,这些运动通过跨国“无基地”网络建立了联系,并认为这是“人民的胜利”。“为了加深我们对这些运动及其在美国军事基地政治中的作用的理解,我借用了对权力持多元观点的民间抵抗文献,并通过这个概念框架的视角来审视关闭曼塔FOL的运动,这揭示了这种方法的一些局限性。我讨论了需要进一步改进的领域,以便该框架对反美军事基地战役及其结果提供更严格的解释。
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引用次数: 1
Weaving Transnational Activist Networks: Balancing International and Bottom-up Capacity-building Strategies for Nonviolent Action in Latin America 编织跨国活动家网络:平衡拉丁美洲非暴力行动的国际和自下而上能力建设战略
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.23870/MARLAS.179
J. Pugh
Latin America has been a laboratory for innovative strategic nonviolent action to confront oppression, corruption, human rights violations, and authoritarianism. One of the most salient explanations for why some movements achieve greater scale and effectiveness in meeting their objectives is the skills of movement organizers in unifying the population, planning strategic moves, and maintaining nonviolent discipline. The training and education to improve these skills often requires resources, transnational networks, and information sharing from external actors to complement the contextual knowledge, local legitimacy, and embedded institutional networks of local insiders. This essay proposes a model for international support of nonviolent action training and education that avoids the pitfalls of imposed liberal peacebuilding and colonizing hierarchies that could undermine movement legitimacy and expose activists to greater scrutiny and repression. In order to illustrate how the model works in practice, the essay examines the case of the Regional Institute for the Study and Practice of Strategic Nonviolent Action in the Americas.
拉丁美洲一直是对抗压迫、腐败、侵犯人权和威权主义的创新战略非暴力行动的实验室。为什么有些运动能够达到更大的规模和效果,最显著的解释之一是运动组织者在团结人群、规划战略行动和维护非暴力纪律方面的技能。提高这些技能的培训和教育通常需要资源、跨国网络和来自外部行动者的信息共享,以补充背景知识、当地合法性和当地内部人员的嵌入式机构网络。本文提出了一种非暴力行动培训和教育的国际支持模式,避免了强加的自由主义和平建设和殖民等级制度的陷阱,这些陷阱可能会破坏运动的合法性,并使活动家面临更大的审查和镇压。为了说明该模式在实践中是如何运作的,本文考察了美洲战略非暴力行动研究与实践区域研究所的案例。
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引用次数: 3
Tejiendo redes de activismo transnacional: el balance entre estrategias internacionales y locales en la construcción de capacidades para la acción no violenta en América Latina 编织跨国激进主义网络:拉丁美洲非暴力行动能力建设中国际和地方战略之间的平衡
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.23870/MARLAS.194
Jeffrey D. Pugh
America Latina ha sido por decadas un escenario primordial para la creacion de innovadoras estrategias de la no violencia con el fin de confrontar la opresion, corrupcion, violaciones a los derechos humanos y el autoritarismo. Una de las explicaciones fundamentales del exito de ciertos movimientos en terminos de alcance y efectividad en el logro de sus objetivos es la habilidad de quienes los lideran de unificar a la poblacion, planear acciones estrategicas y mantener la disciplina de la no violencia. La preparacion y el entrenamiento para mejorar tales habilidades implican recursos, redes transnacionales e informacion suministrada por actores externos, asi como el conocimiento del contexto, la legitimidad local y las redes locales institucionales. Este ensayo propone un modelo de apoyo internacional de entrenamiento y educacion en accion no violenta que evita caer en la trampa de imponer el modelo liberal de la construccion de paz y que desafia jerarquias colonizadoras que podrian poner en peligro la legitimidad de los movimientos y exponer a los activistas a mayor escrutinio y represion. Con el fin de ilustrar como este modelo puede operar en la practica, este ensayo examina el caso del Programa Regional para el Estudio y Practica de la Accion Estrategica No violenta en las Americas. Traducido por Adriana Rincon Villegas University of Massachusetts Boston adriana.rinconvil001@umb.edu
几十年来,拉丁美洲一直是制定创新的非暴力战略以对抗压迫、腐败、侵犯人权和威权主义的主要舞台。某些运动在实现其目标的范围和有效性方面取得成功的基本解释之一是,领导它们的人有能力团结人民,规划战略行动,并维持非暴力纪律。提高这些技能的准备和培训涉及外部行为者提供的资源、跨国网络和信息,以及对背景、地方合法性和地方机构网络的了解。这篇文章提出了一种国际支持非暴力行动培训和教育的模式,以避免陷入强加建设和平自由模式的陷阱,并挑战可能危及运动合法性的殖民等级制度,使活动家面临更大的审查和镇压。为了说明这一模式如何在实践中运作,本文审查了美洲非暴力战略行动研究和实践区域方案的案例。由波士顿马萨诸塞大学阿德里亚娜·林孔·维莱加斯翻译adriana.rinconvil001@umb.edu
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引用次数: 0
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Middle Atlantic Review of Latin American Studies
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