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Demystifying autonomy: tracing the international law origins of the EU principle of autonomy – ERRATUM 揭开自治的神秘面纱:追溯欧盟自治原则的国际法渊源 - ERRATUM
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2024-02-02 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2024.5
Mark Konstantinidis
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引用次数: 0
My Body Is My Temple? Comparing Sexual Crimes and Property Crimes in a Human Rights Tradition – ERRATUM 我的身体是我的圣殿?比较人权传统中的性犯罪和财产犯罪 - ERRATUM
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2024-01-26 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2024.4
Otava Piha
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引用次数: 0
The Diagonal Application of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights: From “Displacement” through “Agency” to “Scope” and Beyond 欧盟基本权利宪章》的对角线应用:从 "流离失所 "到 "代理 "再到 "范围 "及其他
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2024-01-22 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.94
C. Nagy
The application of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights to the Member States has given rise both to a controversial phraseology and a controversial case-law. This paper offers a reconstruction of the constitutional intent and proposes a conceptualization in conformity with the structural function and the constitutional contemplation of the pouvoir constituent. As to the phraseological debate, it demonstrates that the Charter’s application to the Member States may occur by reason of either “implementation” or “interpretation” of EU law and the two strands are embraced but not synthetized by “scope” as a collective term. As to the substantive debate, it demonstrates that the CJEU’s case-law on “implementation” is not only amorphous but also inconsistent with the Charter’s constitutional mandate. The paper proposes a novel approach based on the notion that the application to the Member States is accessory to the supremacy of EU law. The paper’s argument is presented in the following steps. First, the paper presents the pristine rationale and constitutional function of the application to the Member State through its emergence and historical context. Second, it provides a taxonomy and critical overview of the CJEU’s amorphous case-law and presents the Court’s futile attempt to create a coherent doctrine that faithfully reproduces the constitutional contemplation behind the diagonal application and that reflects the division of competences between the EU and its Member States. Third, it sets out the proposed doctrine of “displacement.”
欧盟基本权利宪章》对成员国的适用引起了措辞上的争议和判例法上的争议。本文对宪法意图进行了重构,并提出了一种符合结构功能和宪法构想的构想。关于措辞上的争论,本文表明,《宪章》对成员国的适用可能是由于对欧盟法律的 "实施 "或 "解释",而 "范围 "作为一个集合术语包含了这两个方面,但并没有将其综合起来。至于实质性辩论,它表明欧盟法院关于 "实施 "的判例法不仅不明确,而且不符合《宪章》的宪法授权。本文基于对成员国的适用是欧盟法律至高无上的附属这一概念,提出了一种新颖的方法。本文的论证分为以下几个步骤。首先,本文通过对成员国适用的产生和历史背景,介绍了对成员国适用的基本原理和宪法功能。其次,本文对欧盟法院无定式的判例法进行了分类和批判性概述,并介绍了欧盟法院徒劳地试图创建一种连贯的理论,以忠实地再现对角线适用背后的宪法理念,并反映欧盟与其成员国之间的权限划分。第三,它提出了拟议的 "位移 "理论。
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引用次数: 0
My Body Is My Temple? Comparing Sexual Crimes and Property Crimes in a Human Rights Tradition 我的身体是我的圣殿?比较人权传统中的性犯罪和财产犯罪
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.97
Otava Piha
Despite recent criminal law reforms to define rape through the lack of consent, practical questions remain about how to regulate different kinds of violations of sexual autonomy. Many common law scholars have found it eye-opening how much more extensive and easily accepted the protection of property rights is compared to the protection of sexual autonomy. But when the rationale of criminalization resides in human rights, such a comparison is alien; protecting human dignity appears separate from protecting instrumental property rights. Considering rape a subversion of our ownership rights to our bodies (the property model of rape) is rightly regarded as problematic. This article argues that comparing sexual crimes and property crimes is not predicated on the property model but rather on autonomy itself. Comparisons based on autonomy could help resolve practical dilemmas of consent-based rape laws while respecting human dignity and thus be fruitful research pursuits within a human rights tradition.
尽管最近进行了刑法改革,通过未经同意来定义强奸,但如何规范不同类型的侵犯性自主权行为的实际问题依然存在。许多普通法学者发现,与保护性自主权相比,对财产权的保护要广泛得多,也更容易被接受。但是,当刑事定罪的依据是人权时,这种比较就显得格格不入;保护人的尊严似乎与保护工具性财产权是分开的。将强奸视为对我们身体所有权的颠覆(强奸的财产模式),理所当然地被认为是有问题的。本文认为,对性犯罪和财产犯罪进行比较的前提不是财产模式,而是自主权本身。基于自主权的比较有助于解决基于同意的强奸法的实际困境,同时尊重人的尊严,从而成为人权传统中富有成效的研究追求。
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引用次数: 0
Regulating Parties by Constitutional Rules in Liberal Democracies 自由民主国家的宪法规则对政党的规范
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.117
Catarina Santos Botelho, Nuno Garoupa
When establishing constitutional rules that regulate political parties, liberal democracies struggle between civil liberties—thus tolerating anti-democratic parties—and potential threats of democratic breakdown, which can be reduced by prosecuting and prohibiting anti-democratic parties. We suggest that liberal democracies must balance false positives and false negatives by combining ex ante and ex post regulatory mechanisms. By making use of a unique dataset of thirty-seven liberal democracies collected by the authors, we find empirical results consistent with our positive theory. An extensive review of the normative debate and case law provides additional qualitative support.
在制定规范政党的宪法规则时,自由民主国家会在公民自由与民主崩溃的潜在威胁之间挣扎,前者可以容忍反民主政党,后者可以通过起诉和禁止反民主政党来减少。我们认为,自由民主国家必须将事前和事后监管机制结合起来,以平衡假阳性和假阴性。通过利用作者收集的 37 个自由民主国家的独特数据集,我们发现经验结果与我们的积极理论相一致。对规范性辩论和判例法的广泛回顾提供了更多定性支持。
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引用次数: 0
New Dynamics of the “Post-COVID-19 Era”: A Legal Conundrum 后 COVID-19 时代 "的新动态:法律难题
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.116
Arianna Vedaschi, Chiara Graziani
In this Article we analyze whether and how the legal reactions to COVID-19 brought permanent changes to three main areas that are at the very basis of the study of comparative constitutional law: the horizontal separation of powers in different forms of government; the vertical separation of powers and its effects on forms of state; and the reviewability of limitations to human rights and personal freedoms by bodies exercising constitutional review. Rather than just examining and categorizing the reactions, we search for the political, institutional, factual, and sometimes even cultural rationales at the basis of each trend. Our claim is that COVID-19 was a driving force for relevant changes in the three analyzed areas, but we also recognize that these changes did not come “out of the blue,” as they were already “latent” in considered legal systems. The analysis demonstrates that the traditional categories we use to classify the forms of government, forms of state, and the mechanisms of constitutional review, although being useful paradigms to study these topics, have in themselves the potential to be “stretched,” and even unhinged, when global and long-lasting emergencies, as COVID-19, are in place.
在本文中,我们将分析对 COVID-19 的法律反应是否以及如何给比较宪法学研究的三个主要领域带来永久性的变化:不同政府形式中的横向分权;纵向分权及其对国家形式的影响;以及行使宪法审查权的机构对人权和个人自由限制的可审查性。我们不只是对各种反应进行研究和分类,而是寻找每种趋势的政治、制度、事实,有时甚至是文化依据。我们的主张是,COVID-19 是三个分析领域相关变化的推动力,但我们也承认,这些变化并非 "突如其来",因为它们早已 "潜伏 "在被考虑的法律体系中。分析表明,我们用来划分政府形式、国家形式和宪法审查机制的传统类别虽然是研究这些主题的有用范例,但在发生像 COVID-19 这样的全球性长期紧急事件时,这些类别本身就有可能 "捉襟见肘",甚至失去平衡。
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引用次数: 0
Media, Cultural Techniques, and the Law: The Other Cornelia Vismann 媒体、文化技术与法律:另一个科妮莉亚-维斯曼
IF 1.3 Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.115
P. Minkkinen
In the Anglophone world of law, the German legal historian and legal theorist Cornelia Vismann (1961–2010) is best known as an acute interpreter of French high theory, especially of Jacques Derrida, Jacques Lacan, and Michel Foucault. This type of reception is, I argue, somewhat distorted. For her English-speaking colleagues, French “poststructuralism” provides the interface that enables Vismann to enter into shared discursive constellations with her Anglo-American critical legal colleagues. But at the same time, such a reception also downplays the very specifically German soil from which her unique scholarship arose. This Article discusses Vismann’s German background as media theory, the discipline that she was mostly associated with by her compatriots. The Article then assesses what Vismann’s media-theoretical contributions potentially offer to the contemporary study of law. For this “other Vismann,” the media-theoretical study of law was, I suggest, a practically oriented critical discipline that focused on law’s “cultural techniques” and how they operated. I also briefly touch upon what is generally known as “German media theory” through key figures such as Friedrich A. Kittler and Bernhard Siegert.
在以英语为母语的法律界,德国法律历史学家和法律理论家科妮莉亚·维斯曼(1961-2010)最为人所知的是她对法国高级理论的敏锐阐释,尤其是对雅克·德里达、雅克·拉康和米歇尔·福柯的阐释。我认为,这种接受方式有些扭曲。对于她说英语的同事来说,法国的“后结构主义”提供了一个接口,使维斯曼能够与她的英美批判性法律同事进入共同的话语星座。但与此同时,这样的接待也低估了她独特的学术成就产生的特殊的德国土壤。本文将维斯曼的德国背景作为媒介理论来讨论,这是她的同胞们最常联想到的学科。文章随后评估了维斯曼的媒体理论贡献对当代法律研究的潜在贡献。对于这个“另一个维斯曼”,我认为,法律的媒介理论研究是一门以实践为导向的批判学科,它关注法律的“文化技术”及其运作方式。我还通过弗里德里希·基特勒(Friedrich A. Kittler)和伯恩哈德·西格特(Bernhard Siegert)等关键人物简要介绍了所谓的“德国媒介理论”。
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引用次数: 0
Minimum Legal Standards in Reparation Processes for Colonial Crimes: The Case of Namibia and Germany 殖民罪行赔偿程序中的最低法律标准:纳米比亚和德国的案例
Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.81
Karina Theurer
Abstract In 2021, the German and Namibian governments published a Joint Declaration as a result of their negotiations on reparations. Ovaherero and Nama representatives strongly criticized the violation of their participation rights during the negotiations and the reproduction of colonial racism. In 2023, a lawsuit was filed with the Namibian High Court. This litigation could become a milestone in the history of legal struggles for reparations for colonial crimes worldwide. In addition to the litigation, several United Nations Special Rapporteurs were contacted and published their joint communication in April 2023, essentially confirming the lack of effective participation and the obligation to grant reparations. This Article gives an overview of the most important historical events during German colonial rule and the most significant efforts to legally come to terms with it since 2006. It analyzes the main legal issues in this context: Have the acts committed by German colonial troops violated the laws in force at the time? Is the current application of the doctrine of intertemporal law by the governments a reproduction of racism? Might it be a new act of racism? What challenges and limits do courts face when they attempt to retrospectively reconstruct legal systems and legal norms in force 100 years ago? Does the German state have a legal obligation to enter into negotiations over reparations? What participation rights do affected communities have in processes of legal reappraisal of colonialism? In view of the growing demands for reparations worldwide, it is timely to deal with the underlying legal issues in an exemplary manner. The legal intervention of the German-Namibian reappraisal could set a precedent. The Article aims at establishing minimum legal standards for reparations processes for colonial crimes worldwide.
2021年,德国和纳米比亚政府就赔偿问题进行了谈判,并发表了《联合声明》。Ovaherero和Nama的代表强烈批评他们在谈判期间的参与权受到侵犯和殖民种族主义的再现。2023年,有人向纳米比亚高等法院提起诉讼。这一诉讼可能成为全世界为殖民罪行争取赔偿的法律斗争史上的一个里程碑。除了诉讼之外,还联系了几位联合国特别报告员,并于2023年4月发表了他们的联合来文,基本上确认了缺乏有效参与和给予赔偿的义务。本文概述了德国殖民统治期间最重要的历史事件,以及自2006年以来为合法解决这一问题所做的最重大努力。它分析了在此背景下的主要法律问题:德国殖民部队的行为是否违反了当时有效的法律?各国政府目前对跨期法原则的适用是种族主义的再现吗?这是一种新的种族主义行为吗?当法院试图追溯重建100年前的法律制度和法律规范时,会面临哪些挑战和限制?德国政府是否有法律义务就赔偿问题进行谈判?在对殖民主义进行法律重新评估的过程中,受影响的社区有哪些参与权?鉴于全世界对赔偿的要求日益增加,以模范的方式处理基本的法律问题是及时的。德国-纳米比亚重新评估的法律干预可能开创一个先例。该条旨在为全世界殖民罪行的赔偿程序确立最低法律标准。
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引用次数: 0
Openness, Purposiveness, and the Realignment of the EU and the Democratic and Social Constitutional State 欧盟与民主和社会宪政国家的开放性、目的性和重组
Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.79
Marco Dani
Abstract Contrary to predominant European constitutional narratives assuming the alignment between the European Union legal framework and national constitutional orders, this Article points at the current misalignment between the prevailingly purposive European Union institutional order and the prevailingly open character of the Democratic and Social Constitutional State. The evolutionary trajectories leading to the current status quo are examined by distinguishing an age of openness, in which the institutional frameworks of both the European Economic Communities and the Democratic and Social Constitutional State lent themselves to a range of competing legislative renderings, from an age of purposiveness opened by the Treaty of Maastricht, in which a neoliberal policy agenda was gradually entrenched in the Treaties, with the result of undermining the adaptability and inclusiveness of European public law structures. To counter this development, this Article identifies in a drastic deconstitutionalization of the Economic and Monetary Union the key move to favor the realignment of the European Union and the Democratic and Social Constitutional State.
与主流的欧洲宪法叙事假设欧盟法律框架与国家宪法秩序之间的一致性相反,本文指出了目前普遍目的性的欧盟制度秩序与民主和社会宪政国家的普遍开放性之间的错位。通过区分开放时代和《马斯特里赫特条约》开启的目的性时代来审查导致目前现状的演变轨迹,开放时代的欧洲经济共同体和民主和社会宪政国家的体制框架使自己具有一系列相互竞争的立法表现,而《马斯特里赫特条约》开启的时代则逐渐确立了新自由主义政策议程。结果破坏了欧洲公法结构的适应性和包容性。为了应对这种发展,本文认为经济和货币联盟的剧烈违宪化是有利于欧盟和民主社会宪政国家重新调整的关键举措。
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引用次数: 0
How to Regulate Moral Dilemmas Involving Self-Driving Cars: The 2021 German Act on Autonomous Driving, the Trolley Problem, and the Search for a Role Model 如何规范涉及自动驾驶汽车的道德困境:2021年德国自动驾驶法案,电车问题,以及寻找榜样
Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1017/glj.2023.83
Lando Kirchmair
Abstract With the promulgation of the Autonomous Driving Act in summer 2021, Germany took the worldwide lead on regulating self-driving cars. This Article discusses the (non-)regulation of moral dilemmas in this act. To this end, it clarifies the role of the so-called trolley problem, which influenced the report of the German Ethics Commission that paved the way for this act in particular and the relationship between philosophical reasoning, empirical studies, and the law in general. By introducing the international legal community to the (non-)regulation of moral dilemmas in the German act, the Article critically reviews the German goal, which is to serve as a European and international role model. This will be preceded by a discussion as to why self-driving cars should be allowed as well as the moral dilemmas they cause which should be regulated by the law.
随着德国于2021年夏季颁布《自动驾驶法案》(Autonomous Driving Act),德国在自动驾驶汽车监管方面走在了世界前列。本文探讨了该行为中道德困境的(非)规制。为此,它澄清了所谓的电车问题的作用,它影响了德国道德委员会的报告,特别是为这一行为铺平了道路,并阐明了哲学推理、实证研究和一般法律之间的关系。通过向国际法律界介绍德国法案中道德困境的(非)规制,本文批判性地审视了德国的目标,即成为欧洲和国际的榜样。在此之前,我们将讨论为什么应该允许自动驾驶汽车,以及它们所造成的道德困境,这些问题应该受到法律的监管。
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引用次数: 1
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German Law Journal
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