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Gender and democratic resilience against autocratisation: the case of Romania’s ‘gender identity’ bill 性别与民主对抗独裁的韧性:罗马尼亚“性别认同”法案的案例
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16735398665628
C. Chiva
This article argues that, given the centrality of gender for recent processes of autocratisation, it has become imperative to understand and theorise the conditions underpinning democratic resilience against opposition to gender equality. I conceptualise democratic resilience as the outcome of critical actors’ efforts to represent marginalised groups in the face of threats to existing gender equality rights. The case study is Romania’s 2020 ‘gender identity’ bill, which would have prohibited discussion of ‘gender’ within the educational system but was eventually ruled unconstitutional. I identify two key causal mechanisms through which civil society organisations were able to shape this outcome: framing, which emphasised the bill’s non-compliance with democratic norms and constitutional principles; and learning, which prompted a reflection by the two key institutional actors, that is, the president and the Constitutional Court, as to the importance of core democratic principles for politics and society in post-communist Romania.
本文认为,鉴于性别在最近的独裁进程中的中心地位,理解并理论化反对性别平等的民主弹性的条件已成为当务之急。我将民主弹性定义为关键行动者在面对现有性别平等权利受到威胁时代表边缘化群体的努力的结果。这个案例是罗马尼亚2020年的“性别认同”法案,该法案将禁止在教育系统中讨论“性别”,但最终被裁定违宪。我确定了民间社会组织能够塑造这一结果的两个关键因果机制:框架,强调该法案不符合民主规范和宪法原则;以及学习,这促使总统和宪法法院这两个关键机构参与者反思后共产主义罗马尼亚政治和社会的核心民主原则的重要性。
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引用次数: 2
Silence as agency: Yazidi women’s security strategies during ISIS rule 沉默作为媒介:ISIS统治期间雅兹迪妇女的安全策略
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16736275994312
B. Sarac
ISIS is well known for its brutal mistreatment of those deemed ‘enemies’ and ‘infidels’. In the Kurdistan region of Iraq, having been abducted by ISIS in 2014, many Yazidi women were subjected to different types of violence: sexual, physical and mental. This study investigates how silence was employed by these women as a security strategy to survive their brutal mistreatment under ISIS. The use of silence as a security strategy challenges the assumption that silence is a sign of disempowerment. Drawing on feminist security studies, this study proposes an alternative analysis of security, agency and gendered violence; it demonstrates the need to recognise the complex strategies these Yazidi women developed to resist ISIS rule. It suggests that this approach may be used to critique established narratives about women in the Global South and reveal the under-reported security strategies women employ in conflict settings.
众所周知,ISIS以残酷对待那些被视为“敌人”和“异教徒”的人而闻名。在伊拉克的库尔德斯坦地区,2014年被ISIS绑架后,许多雅兹迪妇女遭受了不同类型的暴力:性暴力、身体暴力和精神暴力。这项研究调查了这些女性是如何利用沉默作为一种安全策略,在ISIS的残酷虐待下生存下来的。沉默作为一种安全策略的使用挑战了沉默是被剥夺权力的标志的假设。借鉴女性主义安全研究,本研究提出了安全、代理和性别暴力的另一种分析;它表明有必要认识到这些雅兹迪妇女为抵抗ISIS统治而制定的复杂策略。它表明,这种方法可以用来批评关于全球南方妇女的既定叙述,并揭示妇女在冲突环境中使用的未被报道的安全策略。
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引用次数: 2
Turkish lesbian, gay, bisexual and/or trans persons’ perceptions of their own ageing: contesting the exclusionary care regime? 土耳其女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和/或变性人对自身衰老的看法:对排他性护理制度的质疑?
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-09 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16736029934258
V. Yilmaz, İpek Göçmen
How do lesbian, gay, bisexual and/or trans persons imagine their own ageing in an exclusionary care regime? How does institutionalised exclusion constrain their ability to imagine ageing in a positive light? How, to what extent and by which means can they contest their exclusion from elderly care? This article presents an analysis of a mixed-methods study in Turkey that included 14 focus groups with 139 lesbian, gay, bisexual and/or trans persons in ten cities, and a nationwide online survey with 2,875 respondents. It offers the notion of an exclusionary care regime as a framework for studying care regimes through the lens of marginalised groups, specifically lesbian, gay, bisexual and/or trans persons. Taking Turkey as an example, the article demonstrates that an exclusionary care regime causes respondents to view ageing as a burden. In the absence of progressive socio-political change, lesbian, gay, bisexual and/or trans persons can think of contesting their exclusion from elderly care mostly through market- and asset-based solutions.
女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和/或变性人如何想象自己在排他性护理制度下的衰老?制度化的排斥是如何限制他们从积极的角度想象衰老的能力的?他们如何、在多大程度上以及通过何种方式对自己被排除在老年人照顾之外进行抗辩?本文分析了土耳其的一项混合方法研究,该研究包括10个城市的14个焦点小组,其中包括139名女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和/或变性人,以及一项全国性的在线调查,共有2875名受访者。它提供了排他性护理制度的概念,作为通过边缘化群体,特别是女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和/或变性人的视角来研究护理制度的框架。以土耳其为例,本文表明,排他性护理制度导致受访者将老龄化视为一种负担。在没有进步的社会政治变革的情况下,女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和/或变性人可以考虑通过市场和基于资产的解决方案来争取他们被排除在老年人照顾之外。
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引用次数: 2
From women’s presence to feminist representation: second-generation design for women’s group representation 从女性存在到女性主义表现:第二代女性群体表现设计
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-02-02 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16654996784749
Karen Celis, Sarah Childs
Feminist democratic representation is a new design for women’s group representation in electoral politics. We build on the design principles and practices of the 1990s’ presence theorists, who conceived of political inclusion as the presence of descriptive representatives and advocated for gender quota. Our second-generation design foregrounds women’s ideological and intersectional heterogeneity, and details a representative process that enacts three feminist principles: inclusiveness, responsiveness and egalitarianism. A new set of actors – the affected representatives of women – play formal, institutionalised roles in two new democratic practices: group advocacy and account giving. Together, these augmentations incentivise new attitudes and behaviours among elected representatives, and bring about multiple representational effects that redress the poverty of women’s political representation: elected representatives now know more, care more and are more connected to diverse women, including the most marginalised; and the represented are now more closely connected with, more interested in and better represented through democratic politics.
女性主义民主代表制是妇女在选举政治中的群体代表制的一种新设计。我们以20世纪90年代在场理论家的设计原则和实践为基础,他们将政治包容视为描述性代表的在场,并倡导性别配额。我们的第二代设计突出了女性的意识形态和交叉异质性,并详细介绍了一个代表性的过程,制定了三个女权主义原则:包容性,响应性和平等主义。一组新的行动者——受影响的妇女代表——在两种新的民主实践中发挥正式的、制度化的作用:团体倡导和交代。总的来说,这些增加激励了当选代表的新态度和行为,并带来了多重代表性效应,纠正了妇女政治代表性的贫穷问题:当选代表现在更多地了解、更多地关心和更多地联系各种妇女,包括最边缘化的妇女;被代表的人现在与民主政治联系更紧密,对民主政治更感兴趣,也更有代表性。
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引用次数: 2
The German transgender self-determination law: explanatory factors for support within the population 德国跨性别自决权法:人口内支持的解释因素
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-09 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16702343170849
L. C. Wurthmann
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引用次数: 0
The practice of ideas in gender equality policy: comparative lessons from the field 性别平等政策思想的实践:来自实地的比较教训
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16696345290590
M. Bustelo, Amy G. Mazur
This thematic section seeks to contribute to emerging research on gender and policy that combines post-adoption and ideational approaches to address how and why ideas matter in gender equality policy implementation. In this article, the two research streams are first discussed. Next, the potential ingredients for gender transformation from current research are presented and then examined in the cases of post-adoption in Spain, the UK, the Netherlands, France and the Council of Europe in the four contributions to the thematic section. The concluding comparative assessment confirms what research has already found: the interplay between actors, ideas and institutions is crucial. Who comes forward and the ideas and political meanings those actors advance are what ultimately matter, dictated in certain policy sectors by the institutional micro-foundations of that domain. The article ends with the lessons learned from, and next steps that come out of, this thematic section.
本专题部分旨在促进关于性别与政策的新兴研究,这些研究将采用后方法和构想方法相结合,以解决想法如何以及为什么对性别平等政策的实施至关重要。本文首先讨论了这两个研究方向。接下来,从目前的研究中提出性别转变的潜在因素,然后在专题部分的四篇文章中对西班牙、联合王国、荷兰、法国和欧洲委员会收养后的情况进行审查。结论性比较评估证实了研究已经发现的事实:行动者、思想和制度之间的相互作用至关重要。谁站出来,这些行动者提出的想法和政治意义最终是重要的,在某些政策部门由该领域的制度微观基础决定。文章最后总结了从这个主题部分得到的经验教训和接下来的步骤。
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引用次数: 1
Framing gender-based violence in multi-level contexts: a networked approach to studying adoption of the Istanbul Convention 在多层次背景下构建基于性别的暴力:研究《伊斯坦布尔公约》通过情况的网络化方法
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-06 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16693059192022
M. Giesen
International institutions are an essential driving force of contemporary policies to combat gender-based violence but remain toothless if political actors do not implement them in domestic policies. How can scholars conceptualise the transposition of international gender-based violence norms into domestic policies? I argue that discourse network analysis provides a powerful conceptual and methodological extension of critical frame analysis to understand how frames shape the meaning of gender-based violence norms in multi-level institutional contexts. Frames’ normative and cognitive network structure invites combining discourse network and frame analysis techniques that locate frames’ power in their ability to connect different institutional spheres temporally and spatially. I outline a multi-level research agenda that traces the framing processes of international norms and their domestic implementation through gender-based violence policies in the Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention. This agenda includes avenues to study how complex transnational policy frameworks like the Istanbul Convention play out in domestic policy implementation.
国际机构是打击基于性别的暴力的当代政策的重要推动力,但如果政治行为者不在国内政策中执行这些机构,它们就没有任何作用。学者们如何将国际性别暴力规范转化为国内政策?我认为,话语网络分析为批判性框架分析提供了强有力的概念和方法延伸,以理解框架如何在多层次的制度背景下塑造基于性别的暴力规范的意义。框架的规范性和认知网络结构要求将话语网络和框架分析技术相结合,将框架的力量定位于它们在时间和空间上连接不同制度领域的能力。我概述了一个多层次的研究议程,通过欧洲委员会《伊斯坦布尔公约》中的性别暴力政策,追溯国际规范的制定过程及其在国内的实施情况。这一议程包括研究《伊斯坦布尔公约》等复杂的跨国政策框架如何在国内政策执行中发挥作用的途径。
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引用次数: 1
Security Meets Gender Equality in the EU 欧盟的安全与性别平等
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-12209-5
Lucrecia Rubio Grundell
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引用次数: 0
Evidence-based policy-making in normatively divided policy fields: European Institute for Gender Equality, Agency for Fundamental Rights and Slovak policies tackling violence against women 在规范划分的政策领域进行循证决策:欧洲性别平等研究所、基本权利机构和斯洛伐克处理暴力侵害妇女问题的政策
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16684424825294
Veronika Valkovičová, P. Meier
In recent years, we have seen a shift towards soft law policy-making within EU gender equality policies, embracing a new rationale of evidence as a promising panacea for the ills of democratic deficit. This shift has been fostered by the establishment of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) and the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), which both promote tools of benchmarking, ranking and good-practice sharing. Focusing on the relative impact of Europeanisation, this case study sheds light on the various processes of negotiating and resisting these indicator-based tools of policy-making by national actors in the field of gender-based violence. Gender-based violence is a normatively divided policy field in which actors struggle for limited resources. By viewing the accounts of the respondents through the framework of usage of Europe, we discuss the practices the actors engage in when employing the work of FRA and EIGE at the national level.
近年来,我们看到欧盟性别平等政策的政策制定转向了软法律,接受了一种新的证据理论,认为这是解决民主赤字问题的灵丹妙药。欧盟基本权利机构(FRA)和欧洲性别平等研究所(EIGE)的建立促进了这一转变,这两个机构都促进了基准测试、排名和良好实践分享的工具。本案例研究侧重于欧洲化的相对影响,揭示了国家行为体在性别暴力领域谈判和抵制这些基于指标的决策工具的各种过程。基于性别的暴力是一个在规范上划分的政策领域,行动者为有限的资源而斗争。通过欧洲使用框架查看受访者的账户,我们讨论了行动者在国家一级采用森林资源评估和环境评估工作时所从事的实践。
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引用次数: 0
The substantive representation of social groups: towards a new comparative research agenda 社会群体的实质代表性:走向新的比较研究议程
IF 2.1 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16635712428686
Silvia Erzeel, E. Rashkova
This article maps the field of substantive representation of social groups and carves out a new research agenda. Examining a database of 313 publications, we identify patterns in what is studied in the field and how it is studied. Our findings suggest that while scholarship on the substantive representation of social groups has expanded over the years, many studies still predominantly (1) analyse the representation of women in (2) the governmental sphere, while adopting a focus on (3) a single country, (4) a single group and (5) a single axis. Comparative work across countries and groups is more scarce. We therefore argue in favour of a comparative research agenda that prioritises more cross-country and cross-group research on the substantive representation of social groups using pluralistic research methods. This direction offers distinct advantages for answering new research questions, exploring diversity in how the substantive representation of social groups takes place, identifying broader patterns across different contexts and groups, and formulating new explanations on the occurrence and quality of the substantive representation of social groups.
本文描绘了社会群体的实质代表性领域,并开辟了一个新的研究议程。通过检查313份出版物的数据库,我们确定了该领域研究的内容及其研究方式的模式。我们的研究结果表明,虽然多年来关于社会群体的实质性代表性的学术研究有所扩大,但许多研究仍然主要是(1)分析妇女在(2)政府领域的代表性,同时采用(3)单一国家,(4)单一群体和(5)单一轴的关注。跨国家和群体的比较研究更为稀缺。因此,我们赞成比较研究议程,优先考虑使用多元研究方法对社会群体的实质性代表性进行更多的跨国和跨群体研究。这一方向为回答新的研究问题、探索社会群体实质性代表性如何发生的多样性、在不同背景和群体中识别更广泛的模式、以及对社会群体实质性代表性的发生和质量提出新的解释提供了明显的优势。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
European Journal of Politics and Gender
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