Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000013
Amandine Le Bellec
This article investigates the role played by the main European cooperation mechanism on asylum, the Common European Asylum System, in the making of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex rights in the European Union. Based on a one-year qualitative inquiry in Brussels and online, it shows that European Union asylum policies were a key arena for the consolidation, invention and renegotiation of European Union lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex rights, especially concerning trans recognition. This pioneering role, far from being fortuitous, was part of the conscious strategy of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex movement to use asylum as a ‘side door’ to the creation of a de facto recognition of ‘gender identity’ as a protected characteristic. Characterising this phenomenon as a ‘politics of interstices’ and analysing the importance of ignorance (and not just knowledge) as a tool for policy change, this article makes the case for an analysis of policymaking that acknowledges the importance of non-equality-specific arenas in the making of equality norms.
{"title":"Shifting equality from the margins: the Common European Asylum System and the making of trans rights in the European Union","authors":"Amandine Le Bellec","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000013","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the role played by the main European cooperation mechanism on asylum, the Common European Asylum System, in the making of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex rights in the European Union. Based on a one-year qualitative inquiry in Brussels and online, it shows that European Union asylum policies were a key arena for the consolidation, invention and renegotiation of European Union lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex rights, especially concerning trans recognition. This pioneering role, far from being fortuitous, was part of the conscious strategy of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex movement to use asylum as a ‘side door’ to the creation of a de facto recognition of ‘gender identity’ as a protected characteristic. Characterising this phenomenon as a ‘politics of interstices’ and analysing the importance of ignorance (and not just knowledge) as a tool for policy change, this article makes the case for an analysis of policymaking that acknowledges the importance of non-equality-specific arenas in the making of equality norms.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":" 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138994843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000012
Tunay Altay
This article explores how the experiences of queer migration shape and inform racialisation, and how racial categories, such as ‘whiteness’ and ‘non-whiteness’, are employed by queer migrants from Turkey in relation to their narratives of belonging and non-belonging in Germany. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Berlin between 2018 and 2022, I aim to show how racism is ambiguously attached to migration and sexual difference, and how ideas of racial difference enable queer migrants to form political collectives and make their experience intelligible to themselves and others. Instead of approaching racialisation as an all-or-nothing finality, the participants often use narratives of non-belonging to distance themselves from the public majority (defined as ‘heterosexual’ and ‘white’) and employ hybrid minoritarian identities, such as ‘queer people of colour’, to translate their difference to other queer migrant and racialised groups in Berlin.
{"title":"Translating difference: whiteness, racialisation and queer migration in Berlin","authors":"Tunay Altay","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000012","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how the experiences of queer migration shape and inform racialisation, and how racial categories, such as ‘whiteness’ and ‘non-whiteness’, are employed by queer migrants from Turkey in relation to their narratives of belonging and non-belonging in Germany. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Berlin between 2018 and 2022, I aim to show how racism is ambiguously attached to migration and sexual difference, and how ideas of racial difference enable queer migrants to form political collectives and make their experience intelligible to themselves and others. Instead of approaching racialisation as an all-or-nothing finality, the participants often use narratives of non-belonging to distance themselves from the public majority (defined as ‘heterosexual’ and ‘white’) and employ hybrid minoritarian identities, such as ‘queer people of colour’, to translate their difference to other queer migrant and racialised groups in Berlin.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":" 19","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138963584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-08DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000008
Nicole Doerr
In this article, I present the findings of a three-year qualitative research project studying feminist and queer activist groups that support refugees in Denmark, Germany and Sweden. My findings show how multilingual activists volunteered as linguistic interpreters to enable inclusive dialogue between refugees and host-country citizens in joint grassroots democratic coalition meetings. Based on interviews with different groups, I show that their linguistic-broker position gave these activists the leverage to challenge and bring to the attention of white-majority citizens the exclusionary dynamics of structural inequality and civic-status hierarchies that create tensions within supposedly open and inclusive joint meetings. By highlighting the critical, counter-hegemonic positionality of activist-translators in coalitions working on gender, the central contribution of my case study is to connect theories of translation and conflict mediation in transnational social movements with research that focuses on the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in intersectional coalitions.
{"title":"Translation as a cultural tool for mediating conflict in queer and feminist grassroots democratic coalitions in Denmark, Germany and Sweden","authors":"Nicole Doerr","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000008","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I present the findings of a three-year qualitative research project studying feminist and queer activist groups that support refugees in Denmark, Germany and Sweden. My findings show how multilingual activists volunteered as linguistic interpreters to enable inclusive dialogue between refugees and host-country citizens in joint grassroots democratic coalition meetings. Based on interviews with different groups, I show that their linguistic-broker position gave these activists the leverage to challenge and bring to the attention of white-majority citizens the exclusionary dynamics of structural inequality and civic-status hierarchies that create tensions within supposedly open and inclusive joint meetings. By highlighting the critical, counter-hegemonic positionality of activist-translators in coalitions working on gender, the central contribution of my case study is to connect theories of translation and conflict mediation in transnational social movements with research that focuses on the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion in intersectional coalitions.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":" 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135340798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-03DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000007
Jaemin Shim
The article investigates whether media coverage varies for male and female legislators with regards to their activities in promoting women’s interests. To test this, 30 key women’s-issue-promoting legislators in South Korea are selected, primarily based on their legislative significance within a women’s-issue bill co-sponsorship network between 2004 and 2016, and their various substantive representation efforts are analysed by examining 45 news outlets. Findings reveal that while receiving less media coverage than their male counterparts overall, female legislators have higher odds of receiving a more focused spotlight concerning women’s-issue-promotion efforts. However, the gendered media coverage was only driven by women’s issues with strong stereotypically feminine policy characteristics, for example, abortion, contraception and sexual harassment, and not by those with both feminine and masculine policy characteristics, such as childcare support and maternity leave. The article demonstrates the importance of media-bias conditionality and thus calls for a more nuanced approach to be taken in future research.
{"title":"Women’s issues, critical actors and the media: substantive representation of women and gendered media coverage in South Korea","authors":"Jaemin Shim","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000007","url":null,"abstract":"The article investigates whether media coverage varies for male and female legislators with regards to their activities in promoting women’s interests. To test this, 30 key women’s-issue-promoting legislators in South Korea are selected, primarily based on their legislative significance within a women’s-issue bill co-sponsorship network between 2004 and 2016, and their various substantive representation efforts are analysed by examining 45 news outlets. Findings reveal that while receiving less media coverage than their male counterparts overall, female legislators have higher odds of receiving a more focused spotlight concerning women’s-issue-promotion efforts. However, the gendered media coverage was only driven by women’s issues with strong stereotypically feminine policy characteristics, for example, abortion, contraception and sexual harassment, and not by those with both feminine and masculine policy characteristics, such as childcare support and maternity leave. The article demonstrates the importance of media-bias conditionality and thus calls for a more nuanced approach to be taken in future research.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"102 S106","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135818970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-23DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000006
Eva Svatoňová, Nicole Doerr
This article is based on a case study of online media practices of the Czech far-right group Angry Mothers, the biggest far-right Facebook group in the Czech political context in 2018. We show how the group used visual storytelling to translate the narratives of the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, which has become one of the most dominant narratives in European and US far-right discourses over recent years. The conspiracy theory was introduced in the book Le Grande Replacement by Renaud Camus in 2011 and claims that powerful Jewish elites use their financial resources to promote ‘Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual + (LGBTQIA+) and gender ideologies’ and multiculturalism to destroy the white race, which will eventually die out. Based on theories of translation and visual storytelling, we demonstrate how the main tropes of its anti-Semitic narrative were diffused through the use of images stigmatising LGBTQIA+ people and other minorities in online communications of the Czech far-right group Angry Mothers.
本文基于捷克极右翼组织“愤怒的母亲”的网络媒体实践案例研究，该组织是2018年捷克政治背景下最大的极右翼Facebook组织。我们展示了该组织如何使用视觉叙事来翻译“大替代”阴谋论的叙事，该理论近年来已成为欧洲和美国极右翼话语中最主要的叙事之一。这个阴谋论是在2011年雷诺·加缪的著作《大替换》(Le Grande Replacement)中提出的，它声称强大的犹太精英们利用他们的财力来推广“女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性人、酷儿、双性人、无性恋+ (LGBTQIA+)和性别意识形态”和多元文化主义，以摧毁白人种族，最终灭绝。基于翻译理论和视觉叙事，我们展示了捷克极右翼组织“愤怒的母亲”(Angry Mothers)在网络交流中如何通过使用侮辱LGBTQIA+人群和其他少数群体的图像来传播其反犹太叙事的主要修辞。
{"title":"How anti-gender and gendered imagery translate the Great Replacement conspiracy theory in online far-right platforms","authors":"Eva Svatoňová, Nicole Doerr","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000006","url":null,"abstract":"This article is based on a case study of online media practices of the Czech far-right group Angry Mothers, the biggest far-right Facebook group in the Czech political context in 2018. We show how the group used visual storytelling to translate the narratives of the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, which has become one of the most dominant narratives in European and US far-right discourses over recent years. The conspiracy theory was introduced in the book Le Grande Replacement by Renaud Camus in 2011 and claims that powerful Jewish elites use their financial resources to promote ‘Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual + (LGBTQIA+) and gender ideologies’ and multiculturalism to destroy the white race, which will eventually die out. Based on theories of translation and visual storytelling, we demonstrate how the main tropes of its anti-Semitic narrative were diffused through the use of images stigmatising LGBTQIA+ people and other minorities in online communications of the Czech far-right group Angry Mothers.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"29 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135365449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-13DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000001
Nicole Doerr, Eva Svatoňová
In this article, we deliver an empirical analysis of far-right visualisations of womanhood on US Telegram channels. Previous studies show that the far right, which increasingly engages in misogynist, anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rhetoric, and opposition to feminism, is marked by the growing involvement of women in the roles of political leaders. Such engagement by women within the far right causes an ‘image problem’, as it makes the traditional gender image of wifely submission less convincing. Our analysis of images of womanhood shared on US far-right Telegram channels shows how far-right images of ‘approved’ performances of womanhood include transgressive gender performances of hegemonic femininity that are in conflict with conservative representations of womanhood in traditional nationalist ideology. Our findings also show how hateful images of liberal, non-binary and minority women serve as a tool for the construction of a variety of ‘approved’ far-right identity images of hegemonic femininity.
{"title":"Emphasised, feared, despised and hegemonic: images of femininity in the US far-right digital ecosystem on Telegram channels","authors":"Nicole Doerr, Eva Svatoňová","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000001","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we deliver an empirical analysis of far-right visualisations of womanhood on US Telegram channels. Previous studies show that the far right, which increasingly engages in misogynist, anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rhetoric, and opposition to feminism, is marked by the growing involvement of women in the roles of political leaders. Such engagement by women within the far right causes an ‘image problem’, as it makes the traditional gender image of wifely submission less convincing. Our analysis of images of womanhood shared on US far-right Telegram channels shows how far-right images of ‘approved’ performances of womanhood include transgressive gender performances of hegemonic femininity that are in conflict with conservative representations of womanhood in traditional nationalist ideology. Our findings also show how hateful images of liberal, non-binary and minority women serve as a tool for the construction of a variety of ‘approved’ far-right identity images of hegemonic femininity.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"6 12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135853122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000005
Elina Kestilä-Kekkonen, Josefina Sipinen, Lauri Rapeli, Salla Vadén
Compared with European men, the political self-efficacy of European women is significantly lower: in all European countries, women are generally more pessimistic about their abilities to understand, influence or participate in politics. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how political self-efficacy develops in general and about what explains the gender gap in particular. In this article, we set out to explore to what extent political self-efficacy is strengthened or weakened through observing parents’ political engagement and to what extent this is gender based. We will investigate this impact both overall and by gender, specifically examining the separate influences of the mother and the father, as well as their respective roles in shaping the political self-efficacy of women and men. Our findings suggest that maternal influence exceeds that of the father. While experiences of both an engaged mother and an engaged father increase the likelihood of high levels of political self-efficacy, we find that the experience of a politically engaged mother, in particular, reduces the likelihood of low levels of political self-efficacy in adulthood.
{"title":"The role of political engagement of parents in reducing the gender gap in political self-efficacy","authors":"Elina Kestilä-Kekkonen, Josefina Sipinen, Lauri Rapeli, Salla Vadén","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000005","url":null,"abstract":"Compared with European men, the political self-efficacy of European women is significantly lower: in all European countries, women are generally more pessimistic about their abilities to understand, influence or participate in politics. Yet, we know surprisingly little about how political self-efficacy develops in general and about what explains the gender gap in particular. In this article, we set out to explore to what extent political self-efficacy is strengthened or weakened through observing parents’ political engagement and to what extent this is gender based. We will investigate this impact both overall and by gender, specifically examining the separate influences of the mother and the father, as well as their respective roles in shaping the political self-efficacy of women and men. Our findings suggest that maternal influence exceeds that of the father. While experiences of both an engaged mother and an engaged father increase the likelihood of high levels of political self-efficacy, we find that the experience of a politically engaged mother, in particular, reduces the likelihood of low levels of political self-efficacy in adulthood.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136213033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000003
Katrina Lee-Koo
This article demonstrates the absence of young women in the formal global architecture of the United Nations Security Council’s Women, Peace and Security agenda. It shows that there is little meaningful engagement with young women in the ten Women, Peace and Security resolutions and subsequently in the Women, Peace and Security national action plans designed by United Nations member states to implement the agenda. This article argues that the failure to explicitly consider young women undermines the intergenerational sustainability of the agenda, misses an opportunity to align Women, Peace and Security with the more recent Youth, Peace and Security agenda, and discourages inclusive thinking regarding the unique ways in which young women experience conflict and contribute to peace. In doing so, the article contributes to the growing voices advocating for a more inclusive approach to Women, Peace and Security, and makes a case for how young women’s explicit inclusion can strengthen the agenda.
{"title":"Young women and the Women, Peace and Security agenda","authors":"Katrina Lee-Koo","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000003","url":null,"abstract":"This article demonstrates the absence of young women in the formal global architecture of the United Nations Security Council’s Women, Peace and Security agenda. It shows that there is little meaningful engagement with young women in the ten Women, Peace and Security resolutions and subsequently in the Women, Peace and Security national action plans designed by United Nations member states to implement the agenda. This article argues that the failure to explicitly consider young women undermines the intergenerational sustainability of the agenda, misses an opportunity to align Women, Peace and Security with the more recent Youth, Peace and Security agenda, and discourages inclusive thinking regarding the unique ways in which young women experience conflict and contribute to peace. In doing so, the article contributes to the growing voices advocating for a more inclusive approach to Women, Peace and Security, and makes a case for how young women’s explicit inclusion can strengthen the agenda.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136062888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2023d000000004
Tanya Jakimow, Kat Henaway
A lack of diversity within local government in Australia and globally is recognised as a problem. Government efforts to increase the representation of women, youth, racialised minorities, people with disabilities and so on do not, however, address a major impediment to their participation: inadequate remuneration. In this article, we present data from a survey, interviews and ethnographic research to reveal the consequences of not paying councillors a living wage. A lens of critical volunteerism exposes the ways in which women are encouraged to become councillors as an extension of community activities, only to be underpaid for their labour. We argue that encouraging under-represented groups to contest for a place on councils without increasing the financial feasibility of them occupying the role will not only fail to address a lack of diversity on New South Wales councils but put too heavy a burden of representation on people least able to bear the costs.
{"title":"Representation as privilege or burden: centring pay to achieve gender parity and ‘diversity’ in local government","authors":"Tanya Jakimow, Kat Henaway","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2023d000000004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2023d000000004","url":null,"abstract":"A lack of diversity within local government in Australia and globally is recognised as a problem. Government efforts to increase the representation of women, youth, racialised minorities, people with disabilities and so on do not, however, address a major impediment to their participation: inadequate remuneration. In this article, we present data from a survey, interviews and ethnographic research to reveal the consequences of not paying councillors a living wage. A lens of critical volunteerism exposes the ways in which women are encouraged to become councillors as an extension of community activities, only to be underpaid for their labour. We argue that encouraging under-represented groups to contest for a place on councils without increasing the financial feasibility of them occupying the role will not only fail to address a lack of diversity on New South Wales councils but put too heavy a burden of representation on people least able to bear the costs.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135482958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1332/251510821x16909892610789
Álvaro Calvo, Mónica Ferrín
Recent studies emphasise gender attitudes as an explanation for the gender gap in the radical-right vote. However, little is known on whether the (mis)match between the issues that are given the most salience by radical-right parties and (wo)men’s issue priorities accounts for the gender gap in the radical-right vote. Merging a large series of barometers conducted in Spain, including more than 9,000 radical-right voters from January 2020 to March 2023, we find that issue priorities are gendered and that VOX’s support is mainly driven by male issues. Also, importantly, regional nationalism and gender – two of VOX’s flagship issues – affect women’s and men’s probability of voting for VOX differently. These findings indicate that the main determinants of voting for VOX are largely driven by men, not women.
{"title":"Gendered issue priorities and the radical-right vote: is there a (mis)match?","authors":"Álvaro Calvo, Mónica Ferrín","doi":"10.1332/251510821x16909892610789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16909892610789","url":null,"abstract":"Recent studies emphasise gender attitudes as an explanation for the gender gap in the radical-right vote. However, little is known on whether the (mis)match between the issues that are given the most salience by radical-right parties and (wo)men’s issue priorities accounts for the gender gap in the radical-right vote. Merging a large series of barometers conducted in Spain, including more than 9,000 radical-right voters from January 2020 to March 2023, we find that issue priorities are gendered and that VOX’s support is mainly driven by male issues. Also, importantly, regional nationalism and gender – two of VOX’s flagship issues – affect women’s and men’s probability of voting for VOX differently. These findings indicate that the main determinants of voting for VOX are largely driven by men, not women.","PeriodicalId":36315,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136129654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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