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South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal最新文献

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Yogi Adityanath’s Background and Rise to Power Yogi Adityanath的背景与权力崛起
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6778
V. Bouillier
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引用次数: 4
Hindutva’s Dangerous Rewriting of History 印度教对历史的危险重写
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6636
A. Truschke
Hindu nationalists are heavily invested in rewriting Indian history to advance their modern and unrepentantly hateful political agenda. Hindu nationalism or Hindutva is a political ideology that advocates Hindu supremacy, specifically over Muslims who comprise around fourteen percent of modern India’s population. The similarity in name notwithstanding, Hindutva is distinct from Hinduism, a broad-based religious tradition, although Hindutva ideologues seek to constrict and flatten Hindu traditions. In this article, I describe some of the contours of the Hindutva investment in remaking the past as a means of advancing a modern political project. I also offer some thoughts on why Hindu nationalists care so much about history and explore some of the implications of Hindutva’s growing political influence for the field of South Asian history and academics who work therein.
印度民族主义者在改写印度历史上投入了大量资金,以推进他们的现代和无情的仇恨政治议程。印度教民族主义或印度教至上主义是一种政治意识形态,主张印度教至上,特别是对占现代印度人口14%左右的穆斯林。尽管名称相似,但印度教与印度教不同,印度教是一个基础广泛的宗教传统,尽管印度教的理论家试图压缩和扁平化印度教传统。在这篇文章中,我描述了印度教在改造过去作为推进现代政治项目手段的投资的一些轮廓。我也提出了一些关于为什么印度教民族主义者如此关心历史的想法,并探讨了印度教对南亚历史领域和在该领域工作的学者日益增长的政治影响的一些含义。
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引用次数: 9
Heritage Politics and Policies in Hindu Rashtra 印度教Rashtra的遗产政治与政策
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6728
Corinne Lefèvre
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引用次数: 6
Federalism as a Moderating Force? State-level Responses to India’s New Citizenship Law 联邦制是一种温和的力量?国家层面对印度新公民法的回应
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6896
Loraine Kennedy
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引用次数: 0
“NRC se Azadi”: Process, Chronology, and a Paper Monster “NRC se Azadi”:过程、年表和纸怪物
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6917
N. Mathur
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引用次数: 1
Hindutva’s Blood 印度教的血液
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6657
Dwaipayan Banerjee, Jacob Copeman
In this article we examine blood as a medium and metaphor for Hindutva's political transactions Specifically, we identify three ways in which blood operates in Hindutva thought and practice First, it serves to create a spatial geographic whole - an original Hindu nation whose inhabitants share the same blood Second, blood serves to mediate between the violent and non-violent aspects of Hindu nationalism, authorizing and reconciling present acts of violence with a supposed Hindu capacity for heroic restraint And third, blood serves to establish a temporal continuum between a Hindutva past, present and future, writing Hindu nationalist thought and action backwards into Indian history, and forwards to threaten future bloodshed against non-adherents In these three ways, Hindutva imaginations and extractions of blood work through each other In present-day India, these three political manifestations of blood - as a marker of exclusion, as mediating non-violence, and as premonitory threat - have all appeared in the Citizenship Amendment Act controversy and around the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic As blood overflows through time and space, it threatens to erase difference and legitimize violence while further extending the ideology's reach © This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4 0 International License
在这篇文章中,我们考察了血液作为印度教政治交易的媒介和隐喻。具体而言,我们确定了血液在印度教思想和实践中的三种运作方式。首先,它有助于创造一个空间地理整体——一个原始的印度教民族,其居民共享相同的血液。其次,血液用于在印度教民族主义的暴力和非暴力方面进行调解,授权并调和当前的暴力行为与假定的印度教英雄克制能力。第三,血液用于在过去、现在和未来之间建立一个时间连续体,将印度教民族主义思想和行动追溯到印度历史中,并威胁未来对非信徒的流血。在这三种方式中,印度教的想象和抽取血液相互作用。在当今印度,这三种血液的政治表现-作为排斥的标志,作为非暴力的中介,以及作为预兆的威胁-都出现在《公民身份修正法案》的争议中,以及围绕持续的新冠肺炎大流行。随着血液在时间和空间中溢出,它有可能消除差异并使暴力合法化,同时进一步扩大意识形态的影响范围。©这部作品是根据知识共享归因-非商业化-无衍生产品4 0国际许可证授权的
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引用次数: 2
The Agonistic Struggle between Trinamool Congress and a Non-partisan Protest Alliance: West Bengal and Its Anti-CAA/NRC Movement Trinamool国会和无党派抗议联盟之间的激烈斗争:西孟加拉邦及其反CAA/NRC运动
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6916
Riccardo Jaede
This article offers an ethnography of the citizenship protest movement in West Bengal from mid-2018 to mid-2020. In particular, it retraces the ways in which a comparatively marginal alliance of non-parliamentary left groups and Muslim organizations managed to impose its agenda on the state of West Bengal even though the movement was hijacked by the state government. It chronicles the year-long agitation before the passing of the CAA that altered the political landscape in the state. A multilayered analysis of the dynamics, composition, and symbolism of the Park Circus protest from January 2020, which were Kolkata’s response to Delhi’s sit-in at Shaheen Bagh, offers insights into the ways in which the state government under Trinamool Congress seized leadership over this movement. This in turn rendered the government subject to the movement’s agenda, which continued to be defined by the non-partisan alliance. The article concludes with the effects of the COVID lockdown on the movement and the possible transformation of dissident politics in its wake.
本文提供了2018年年中至2020年年中西孟加拉邦公民抗议运动的民族志。特别是,它追溯了一个由非议会左翼团体和穆斯林组织组成的相对边缘的联盟如何将其议程强加给西孟加拉邦,尽管该运动被邦政府劫持。它记录了CAA通过前长达一年的骚乱,这场骚乱改变了该州的政治格局。对2020年1月公园马戏团抗议活动的动态、组成和象征意义进行了多层次的分析,这是加尔各答对德里在沙欣巴格静坐示威的回应,可以深入了解特里那摩尔国会领导下的州政府如何夺取这场运动的领导权。这反过来又使政府受制于该运动的议程,该议程继续由无党派联盟定义。文章最后介绍了新冠疫情封锁对该运动的影响,以及随之而来的异见政治可能发生的转变。
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引用次数: 0
Hindutva, Economic Neoliberalism and the Abuse of Economic Statistics in India 印度教,经济新自由主义和印度经济统计的滥用
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6882
Jayati Ghosh
This essay argues that attempts at implementing the Hindutva agenda adversely affect economic activity. At first sight, Modi’s unabashedly neoliberal and pro-big capital claims could seem contradictory to his politics of hatred that severely disrupt economic growth. However, the ability of the government to persuade the public that the economy is doing well or that adverse outcomes are not the result of its own policies, actually serves the neoliberal agenda by taming the resentment of the poor and enabling further concentration of wealth. The Modi government is focused on the management of perception rather than on actually developing and implementing economic policies that would benefit the people. In this regard, manipulation and/or destruction of the statistical system are decisive, which is why an aggressive attitude to economic statistics has become one of the defining features of the government.
本文认为,试图实施印度教议程会对经济活动产生不利影响。乍一看,莫迪毫不掩饰的新自由主义和支持大资本的主张似乎与他严重破坏经济增长的仇恨政治相矛盾。然而,政府说服公众经济表现良好或不利结果不是其自身政策的结果的能力,实际上是通过驯服穷人的怨恨和使财富进一步集中来服务于新自由主义议程。莫迪政府专注于管理观念,而不是实际制定和实施惠及人民的经济政策。在这方面,操纵和(或)破坏统计系统是决定性的,这就是为什么对经济统计采取积极态度已成为政府的决定性特征之一。
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引用次数: 0
Hindu Rashtra and Bollywood: A New Front in the Battle for Cultural Hegemony 印度教Rashtra与宝莱坞:文化霸权斗争中的新战线
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6846
Nivedita Menon
This paper examines the weaponization by Hindu right-wing politics of the suicide of a young Hindi film actor in September 2020. It argues that his death was invoked in particular ways to sharpen the attack on the Bombay film industry as part of the larger concerted move by the RSS to control and purge spaces seen as either controlled by “left liberals,” or as syncretic and unamenable to Hindu-Muslim polarization. In the course of this attack, some differences within the Hindutva camp have become evident, a phenomenon this paper examines closely.
本文考察了印度教右翼政治将2020年9月一名年轻印度电影演员的自杀武器化。它认为,他的死被特别引用来加强对孟买电影业的攻击,这是RSS更大的协同行动的一部分,目的是控制和清除被视为由“左翼自由主义者”控制的空间,或者被视为印度教和穆斯林两极分化的融合和不可调和的空间。在这一攻击过程中,印度教阵营内部的一些分歧变得明显,本文对这一现象进行了仔细研究。
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引用次数: 5
24/25 | 2020The Hindutva Turn: Authoritarianism and Resistance in India 2020年5月24日印度电视剧转向:印度的威权主义与反抗
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.6632
Aminah Mohammad-Arif, J. Naudet, Nicolas Jaoul
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引用次数: 0
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South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal
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