Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.171
A. Rustoiu, Andreea Drăgan
Mobility, migration, and conquest of endless horizons ... they have all been, since the beginning, essential traits of human existence. That is why the way different identity constructs were transformed or emerged as a consequence of local, regional or long-distance human mobility and migration has been an important research topic for social sciences. The purpose of this article is to see how the memory of the ancestors was reinterpreted and used in the process of reshaping collective identities triggered by the “Celtic” colonisation of Transylvania in the 4th century BC, and to determine the role it played in the interaction with the indigenous “Scythian” populations. Within this framework, the paper also includes a case study about the concrete ways of communicating the memory of the ancestors from one generation to another. In Transylvania, the “Scythian” horizon is represented by cemeteries with flat inhumation burials, and rarely cremations, which were recently dated to the 8th–5th / 4th centuries BC. The evolution of these communities was interrupted after the middle of the 4th century BC by the arrival of “Celtic” groups coming from the west. Their arrival determined a social reconfiguration of many local communities, as well as the appearance of new communities which displayed various degrees of cultural hybridisation. In several cases from the same region, the newcomers reused the funerary grounds which previously belonged to the local communities. Earlier burial grounds more likely became places of memory integrated into the local collective identity as symbolic references to a mythical past, providing a physical connection with the ancestors. Their later reuse reflects the cohabitation of the newcomers with the locals, as well as the will of the former to incorporate identity markers which were relevant in the local environment into the identity constructs of the newly established communities as a means of legitimisation. Grave no. 9/2020 from Sâncrai is one example of the manner in which the memory of the ancestors was passed down over time across generations.
{"title":"Remembering the Ancestors. A Grave-Marker from the “Schythian” Cemetery at Sâncrai (Alba County)","authors":"A. Rustoiu, Andreea Drăgan","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.171","url":null,"abstract":"Mobility, migration, and conquest of endless horizons ... they have all been, since the beginning, essential traits of human existence. That is why the way different identity constructs were transformed or emerged as a consequence of local, regional or long-distance human mobility and migration has been an important research topic for social sciences. The purpose of this article is to see how the memory of the ancestors was reinterpreted and used in the process of reshaping collective identities triggered by the “Celtic” colonisation of Transylvania in the 4th century BC, and to determine the role it played in the interaction with the indigenous “Scythian” populations. Within this framework, the paper also includes a case study about the concrete ways of communicating the memory of the ancestors from one generation to another. In Transylvania, the “Scythian” horizon is represented by cemeteries with flat inhumation burials, and rarely cremations, which were recently dated to the 8th–5th / 4th centuries BC. The evolution of these communities was interrupted after the middle of the 4th century BC by the arrival of “Celtic” groups coming from the west. Their arrival determined a social reconfiguration of many local communities, as well as the appearance of new communities which displayed various degrees of cultural hybridisation. In several cases from the same region, the newcomers reused the funerary grounds which previously belonged to the local communities. Earlier burial grounds more likely became places of memory integrated into the local collective identity as symbolic references to a mythical past, providing a physical connection with the ancestors. Their later reuse reflects the cohabitation of the newcomers with the locals, as well as the will of the former to incorporate identity markers which were relevant in the local environment into the identity constructs of the newly established communities as a means of legitimisation. Grave no. 9/2020 from Sâncrai is one example of the manner in which the memory of the ancestors was passed down over time across generations.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123320549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.235
A. Rustoiu
"1. About the legionary fort at Sarmizegetusa in AD 102–105 (Cassius Dio 68.9.7). Cassius Dio (68.9.7) writes that after the end of the first Dacian war of Trajan, in 102 AD, the emperor left a legion in Dacia at Sarmizegetusa and auxiliary troops in other locations. Over time, the fragmentary accounts of Cassius Dio have been interpreted in two main ways. On one hand, the presence of a legionary fort was presumed in Hațeg Country, on the territory of future Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa. On the other hand, this fort (stratopedon) was presumed to have functioned in the Orăștie Mountains, in or next to the Dacian fortress at Grădiștea de Munte, the residence of King Decebalus. The debate has recently been reopened by F. Matei-Popescu and O. Țentea. They place this Roman fort in the Orăștie Mountains, in the close vicinity of the former residence of King Decebalus. Their arguments are based mostly on the recently acquired LiDAR images of the area in question. On these images appears an almost rectangular earthen structure which preceded the stone enclosure and was also ascribed to a Roman fort built after the conquest of Dacia. F. Matei-Popescu and O. Țentea consider that, if the stone enclosure belongs to the period after the second Dacian war of Trajan, the enclosure having an earthen wall must be older, belonging to the period between the two Dacian wars, that is, between AD 102 and 105, this being the fort mentioned in the fragmentary accounts of Cassius Dio. Analysing the available information, the author concluding that the earthen fort from Grădiștea de Munte was more likely built in the context of the second Dacian war, in 105/106 AD. The stratopedon mentioned by Cassius Dio was more likely located on the future place of Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa. Finally, the name of the royal residence of Decebalus, it is less likely to be Sarmizegetusa. This was more likely the indigenous toponym of the place where Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica was later established. The possible identification with Ranisstorum, the place where Tiberius Claudius Maximus brought the severed head and right hand of King Decebalus to Trajan to be shown to the army, can be perhaps taken into the consideration as a working hypothesis. 2. The destiny of the “Dacian gold”. About a Koson-type coin reused in the 16th century in a Christian (Renaissance) context. The “Dacian gold” fired the imagination of many people each time a hoard emerged in the mountains hosting the ruins of the royal residence of King Decebalus. One of the largest hoards was discovered in 1543 (containing coins of Lysimachus and perhaps Koson-types). Before this great hoard, a document from 1494 mentions the discovery in 1491 of a hoard consisting of “small and big” gold coins by some gold panners in the vicinity of Sebeș. There was already a number of Koson-type coins “in circulation” among the Renaissance collectors of antiquities at the end of the 15th century or the beginning
“1。关于公元102-105年在萨尔米泽盖图萨的军团要塞(卡修斯·迪奥68.9.7)。卡修斯·迪奥(68.9.7)写道，公元102年，在图拉真的第一次达契亚战争结束后，皇帝在达契亚的萨尔米泽盖图萨留下了一个军团，在其他地方留下了辅助部队。随着时间的推移，关于卡修斯·迪奥的零碎记载主要有两种解释。一方面，在Hațeg国家，在未来的乌尔皮亚·特拉亚纳·达西卡·萨尔米泽盖图萨殖民地的领土上，假定存在一个军团要塞。另一方面，这个堡垒(stratopedon)被认为是在Orăștie山脉中发挥作用的，在Grădiștea de Munte的达契亚堡垒内或旁边，这是德塞巴鲁斯国王的住所。最近，F. Matei-Popescu和O. Țentea重新开始了辩论。他们把这座罗马堡垒建在Orăștie山上，靠近德塞巴鲁斯国王的故居。他们的论点主要基于最近获得的有关地区的激光雷达图像。在这些图像上出现了一个几乎是矩形的土结构，它在石头围墙之前，也被认为是征服达契亚后建造的罗马堡垒。F. Matei-Popescu和O. Țentea认为，如果石头围墙属于图拉真第二次达契亚战争之后的时期，那么有土墙的围墙一定更古老，属于两次达契亚战争之间的时期，即公元102年至105年之间，这是卡修斯·迪奥的零碎记述中提到的堡垒。通过分析现有信息，作者得出结论，Grădiștea de Munte的土制堡垒更有可能是在公元105/106年第二次达契亚战争期间建造的。卡修斯·迪奥提到的层齿兽更有可能位于Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa殖民地的未来位置。最后，德塞巴鲁斯的皇家住所的名字，它不太可能是Sarmizegetusa。这更像是乌尔皮亚·特拉亚纳·达西卡殖民地后来建立的地方的土著地名。在拉尼斯斯托姆，提比略·克劳迪亚斯·马克西姆斯将切下的国王德塞巴鲁斯的头和右手带到图拉真，向军队展示，这可能是一种可行的假设。2. “达契亚黄金”的命运。关于16世纪在基督教(文艺复兴)背景下重新使用的科森式硬币。“达契亚黄金”每次出现在山脉中，都能激发许多人的想象力，因为那里有德塞巴鲁斯国王的王宫遗址。1543年发现了最大的一堆硬币(里面有利西马科斯的硬币，可能还有科森的硬币)。在这个巨大的宝藏之前，1494年的一份文件提到，1491年，一些淘金者在塞贝涅附近发现了一个由“大小”金币组成的宝藏。在15世纪末或16世纪初，在文艺复兴时期的古董收藏家中，已经有一些科松式的硬币在“流通”。1520年，鹿特丹的伊拉斯谟(Erasmus of Rotterdam)描述并试图识别一种科松类型的硬币，这一问题也给其他学者带来了困难。在这种情况下，作者正在分析一个16世纪上半叶的礼拜圣餐杯，它曾经在阿尔巴尤利亚，现在保存在斯洛伐克尼特拉天主教大教堂的收藏中。这个圣餐杯装饰着古代的金币。其中有一枚高仙型硬币。从文艺复兴后期“达契亚黄金”命运的角度来看，圣杯的制造和传记都是相关的。这艘船第一次被提及是在1531年阿尔巴尤利亚天主教大教堂的宝库清单中。这只圣餐杯是布达的乌达里库斯(Udalricus)捐赠的，他在1504年至1523年期间担任一座大教堂的主教。后来，这个圣杯的主人是保罗·博内米萨，他在1553年至1556年担任阿尔巴尤利亚主教。他不得不离开特兰西瓦尼亚，于1557年成为尼特拉主教。这时，他拿来了一个装饰着古代金币的圣餐杯。布达的乌达里库斯是文艺复兴时期阿尔巴尤利亚人文主义圈子的一员，这个圈子包括许多学者、古代文献的出版商、铭文学家和古董收藏家。可以推测，鹿特丹的伊拉斯谟试图分析的科松型硬币是通过与阿尔巴尤利亚的人文主义学者的联系而获得的。这枚硬币，以及插入乌达里库斯圣杯的那枚硬币，可能属于一个贮藏物，这个贮藏物可能比1543年的那枚硬币早几十年被发现。也许这些硬币是在1491年被来自塞贝涅的淘金工人发现的。然而，可以肯定的是，特兰西瓦尼亚和欧洲人文主义学者对这种“外来”发现的兴趣是在这一时期兴起的，同时对前罗马和罗马达契亚其他类型的文物也产生了兴趣。 “1。关于公元102-105年在萨尔米泽盖图萨的军团要塞(卡修斯·迪奥68.9.7)。卡修斯·迪奥(68.9.7)写道，公元102年，在图拉真的第一次达契亚战争结束后，皇帝在达契亚的萨尔米泽盖图萨留下了一个军团，在其他地方留下了辅助部队。随着时间的推移，关于卡修斯·迪奥的零碎记载主要有两种解释。一方面，在Hațeg国家，在未来的乌尔皮亚·特拉亚纳·达西卡·萨尔米泽盖图萨殖民地的领土上，假定存在一个军团要塞。另一方面，这个堡垒(stratopedon)被认为是在Orăștie山脉中发挥作用的，在Grădiștea de Munte的达契亚堡垒内或旁边，这是德塞巴鲁斯国王的住所。最近，F. Matei-Popescu和O. Țentea重新开始了辩论。他们把这座罗马堡垒建在Orăștie山上，靠近德塞巴鲁斯国王的故居。他们的论点主要基于最近获得的有关地区的激光雷达图像。在这些图像上出现了一个几乎是矩形的土结构，它在石头围墙之前，也被认为是征服达契亚后建造的罗马堡垒。F. Matei-Popescu和O. Țentea认为，如果石头围墙属于图拉真第二次达契亚战争之后的时期，那么有土墙的围墙一定更古老，属于两次达契亚战争之间的时期，即公元102年至105年之间，这是卡修斯·迪奥的零碎记述中提到的堡垒。通过分析现有信息，作者得出结论，Grădiștea de Munte的土制堡垒更有可能是在公元105/106年第二次达契亚战争期间建造的。卡修斯·迪奥提到的层齿兽更有可能位于Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa殖民地的未来位置。最后，德塞巴鲁斯的皇家住所的名字，它不太可能是Sarmizegetusa。这更像是乌尔皮亚·特拉亚纳·达西卡殖民地后来建立的地方的土著地名。在拉尼斯斯托姆，提比略·克劳迪亚斯·马克西姆斯将切下的国王德塞巴鲁斯的头和右手带到图拉真，向军队展示，这可能是一种可行的假设。2. “达契亚黄金”的命运。关于16世纪在基督教(文艺复兴)背景下重新使用的科森式硬币。“达契亚黄金”每次出现在山脉中，都能激发许多人的想象力，因为那里有德塞巴鲁斯国王的王宫遗址。1543年发现了最大的一堆硬币(里面有利西马科斯的硬币，可能还有科森的硬币)。在这个巨大的宝藏之前，1494年的一份文件提到，1491年，一些淘金者在塞贝涅附近发现了一个由“大小”金币组成的宝藏。在15世纪末或16世纪初，在文艺复兴时期的古董收藏家中，已经有一些科松式的硬币在“流通”。1520年，鹿特丹的伊拉斯谟(Erasmus of Rotterdam)描述并试图识别一种科松类型的硬币，这一问题也给其他学者带来了困难。在这种情况下，作者正在分析一个16世纪上半叶的礼拜圣餐杯，它曾经在阿尔巴尤利亚，现在保存在斯洛伐克尼特拉天主教大教堂的收藏中。这个圣餐杯装饰着古代的金币。其中有一枚高仙型硬币。从文艺复兴后期“达契亚黄金”命运的角度来看，圣杯的制造和传记都是相关的。这艘船第一次被提及是在1531年阿尔巴尤利亚天主教大教堂的宝库清单中。这只圣餐杯是布达的乌达里库斯(Udalricus)捐
{"title":"Commentaria archaeologica et historica (V). 1. About the Legionary Fort at Sarmizegetusa in AD 102–205 (Cassius Dio 68.9.7). 2. The Destiny of the “Dacian Gold”. About a Koson Type Coin Reused in the 16th Century in a Christian (Renaissance) Context","authors":"A. Rustoiu","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.235","url":null,"abstract":"\"1. About the legionary fort at Sarmizegetusa in AD 102–105 (Cassius Dio 68.9.7). Cassius Dio (68.9.7) writes that after the end of the first Dacian war of Trajan, in 102 AD, the emperor left a legion in Dacia at Sarmizegetusa and auxiliary troops in other locations. Over time, the fragmentary accounts of Cassius Dio have been interpreted in two main ways. On one hand, the presence of a legionary fort was presumed in Hațeg Country, on the territory of future Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa. On the other hand, this fort (stratopedon) was presumed to have functioned in the Orăștie Mountains, in or next to the Dacian fortress at Grădiștea de Munte, the residence of King Decebalus. The debate has recently been reopened by F. Matei-Popescu and O. Țentea. They place this Roman fort in the Orăștie Mountains, in the close vicinity of the former residence of King Decebalus. Their arguments are based mostly on the recently acquired LiDAR images of the area in question. On these images appears an almost rectangular earthen structure which preceded the stone enclosure and was also ascribed to a Roman fort built after the conquest of Dacia. F. Matei-Popescu and O. Țentea consider that, if the stone enclosure belongs to the period after the second Dacian war of Trajan, the enclosure having an earthen wall must be older, belonging to the period between the two Dacian wars, that is, between AD 102 and 105, this being the fort mentioned in the fragmentary accounts of Cassius Dio. Analysing the available information, the author concluding that the earthen fort from Grădiștea de Munte was more likely built in the context of the second Dacian war, in 105/106 AD. The stratopedon mentioned by Cassius Dio was more likely located on the future place of Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica Sarmizegetusa. Finally, the name of the royal residence of Decebalus, it is less likely to be Sarmizegetusa. This was more likely the indigenous toponym of the place where Colonia Ulpia Traiana Dacica was later established. The possible identification with Ranisstorum, the place where Tiberius Claudius Maximus brought the severed head and right hand of King Decebalus to Trajan to be shown to the army, can be perhaps taken into the consideration as a working hypothesis. 2. The destiny of the “Dacian gold”. About a Koson-type coin reused in the 16th century in a Christian (Renaissance) context. The “Dacian gold” fired the imagination of many people each time a hoard emerged in the mountains hosting the ruins of the royal residence of King Decebalus. One of the largest hoards was discovered in 1543 (containing coins of Lysimachus and perhaps Koson-types). Before this great hoard, a document from 1494 mentions the discovery in 1491 of a hoard consisting of “small and big” gold coins by some gold panners in the vicinity of Sebeș. There was already a number of Koson-type coins “in circulation” among the Renaissance collectors of antiquities at the end of the 15th century or the beginning ","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127882581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.345
Andreea Drăgan
Among the carefully collected finds during the excavations that took place at the Mithraeum III (2008, 2013–1026) in Apulum, Roman Dacia, were two bricks with hobnail prints of nailed footwear. One of the finds, in particular, showed the complete form of the sole, decorated with an elaborate hobnail pattern. A closer look at the published finds revealed that similar or even identical designs decorated shoes that have been discovered at a considerable distance on different sites in the North-Western provinces of the empire. Large sets of leather shoes found in humid environments of these provinces have shown that shoe soles were, equally to footwear upper parts, a fashionable object, having a chronological and social value in archaeology. In the context of limited interest given to hobnail prints in the publications about Roman Dacia, this paper argues for the revalorization of the subject in the archaeological literature.
{"title":"Can Bricks Tell Us the Year? Hobnail Prints on Tegular Material from the Mithraeum III at Apulum as Evidence of Footwear Fashion","authors":"Andreea Drăgan","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.345","url":null,"abstract":"Among the carefully collected finds during the excavations that took place at the Mithraeum III (2008, 2013–1026) in Apulum, Roman Dacia, were two bricks with hobnail prints of nailed footwear. One of the finds, in particular, showed the complete form of the sole, decorated with an elaborate hobnail pattern. A closer look at the published finds revealed that similar or even identical designs decorated shoes that have been discovered at a considerable distance on different sites in the North-Western provinces of the empire. Large sets of leather shoes found in humid environments of these provinces have shown that shoe soles were, equally to footwear upper parts, a fashionable object, having a chronological and social value in archaeology. In the context of limited interest given to hobnail prints in the publications about Roman Dacia, this paper argues for the revalorization of the subject in the archaeological literature.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131100363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.253
Beatrice Ciută, M. Egri
New archaeobotanical data from villa rustica at Oarda-Bulza, located in south-western Transylvania, indicate that free-threshing wheat, Triticum aestivum (also known as bread wheat), was apparently the focus of farming activities, in contrast to pre-Roman times, when a more diverse agricultural crops system included greater amounts of emmer, barley and pulses. In addition to bread wheat remains, another important discovery is a cluster of charred seeds of Cannabis sativa (hemp) from the main building of the estate. These discoveries provide new information regarding the species cultivated and consumed by the community that lived in the area.
{"title":"New Archaeobotanical Data from Villa Rustica at Oarda-Bulza (Alba County). The 2021 Campaign","authors":"Beatrice Ciută, M. Egri","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.253","url":null,"abstract":"New archaeobotanical data from villa rustica at Oarda-Bulza, located in south-western Transylvania, indicate that free-threshing wheat, Triticum aestivum (also known as bread wheat), was apparently the focus of farming activities, in contrast to pre-Roman times, when a more diverse agricultural crops system included greater amounts of emmer, barley and pulses. In addition to bread wheat remains, another important discovery is a cluster of charred seeds of Cannabis sativa (hemp) from the main building of the estate. These discoveries provide new information regarding the species cultivated and consumed by the community that lived in the area.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131274412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.291
Bogdan Lăpușan
The analysis of graves could reveal information regarding the identity of the deceased individuals, the funerary rites that may have taken place, and the beliefs of the mourners. In this study were analysed seven graves: five graves (M53, M137, M222, M264 and M268) from the Alburnus Maior cemeteries, and two graves (G93 and M399) from the “Stația de salvare” and “Profi” zones of the cemetery situated in the northern part of the Municipium Septimium Apulense. Six graves include in their inventory one key and the last grave includes one bolt in the inventory. The keys have been used to secure possessions and public or private spaces by operating a locking mechanism, depending on the shape and pattern of the bit. In funerary contexts, the functionality of the keys may have symbolic meanings that can be related to certain deities which have these objects as attributes, or the keys and locking mechanisms may guard symbolically the possessions of the deceased person in the afterlife.
对坟墓的分析可以揭示死者的身份、可能举行的丧葬仪式以及哀悼者的信仰等信息。本研究分析了七个坟墓:五个坟墓(M53、M137、M222、M264和M268)来自Alburnus major墓地，两个坟墓(G93和M399)来自位于Apulense municipality Septimium北部的墓地的“Stația de salvare”和“Profi”区域。六座坟墓的清单中有一把钥匙，最后一座坟墓的清单中有一把螺栓。根据钻头的形状和图案，钥匙可以通过操作锁定机制来保护财产和公共或私人空间。在葬礼中，钥匙的功能可能具有象征意义，可能与某些拥有这些物品作为属性的神灵有关，或者钥匙和锁机制可能象征性地保护死者在来世的财产。
{"title":"Keys and Locking Mechanisms Discovered in Graves from the Alburnus Maior and Apulum Cemeteries","authors":"Bogdan Lăpușan","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.291","url":null,"abstract":"The analysis of graves could reveal information regarding the identity of the deceased individuals, the funerary rites that may have taken place, and the beliefs of the mourners. In this study were analysed seven graves: five graves (M53, M137, M222, M264 and M268) from the Alburnus Maior cemeteries, and two graves (G93 and M399) from the “Stația de salvare” and “Profi” zones of the cemetery situated in the northern part of the Municipium Septimium Apulense. Six graves include in their inventory one key and the last grave includes one bolt in the inventory. The keys have been used to secure possessions and public or private spaces by operating a locking mechanism, depending on the shape and pattern of the bit. In funerary contexts, the functionality of the keys may have symbolic meanings that can be related to certain deities which have these objects as attributes, or the keys and locking mechanisms may guard symbolically the possessions of the deceased person in the afterlife.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130698080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.135
Katharina Zanier, R. Ratej
The paper presents some definitions and tools developed as part of the ArcheoDanube project. The contribution, as well as the project, connects the fields of urban archaeology, public archaeology, management of archaeological sites and archaeological tourism. In doing so, of course, we come across basic concepts, some of which are still lacking clear definitions. This applies especially to the term »archaeological park«, which has several uses. After reviewing various definitions in recent international doctrinal documents, we propose one based on the excellent definition in the Croatian legislation. Following is a brief discussion of the specifics of archaeological tourism. Archaeological parks namely represent an important component in its development. Afterwards, we discuss the main topic of the paper: the Local Archeo Plan, which is one of the main products of the ArcheoDanube project. The Local Archeo Plan represents a new, broader form of management plan, specially designed for the specific situation of archaeological remains. Unlike conventional management plans for monuments or monumental areas, a Local Archeo Plan can be prepared for wider areas, e.g., a city, and offers us the possibility of dealing with the archaeological remains of different areas, with various solutions for presentation and interpretation, in the frame of a common outline. We then compare the Local Archeo Plan to similar plans in force in Slovenia and elsewhere and assess its relevance and usefulness in the development of archaeological destinations.
{"title":"Connecting Public and Urban Archaeology: Enhancement of Urban Archaeological Heritage Through Local Archeo Plans","authors":"Katharina Zanier, R. Ratej","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.135","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents some definitions and tools developed as part of the ArcheoDanube project. The contribution, as well as the project, connects the fields of urban archaeology, public archaeology, management of archaeological sites and archaeological tourism. In doing so, of course, we come across basic concepts, some of which are still lacking clear definitions. This applies especially to the term »archaeological park«, which has several uses. After reviewing various definitions in recent international doctrinal documents, we propose one based on the excellent definition in the Croatian legislation. Following is a brief discussion of the specifics of archaeological tourism. Archaeological parks namely represent an important component in its development. Afterwards, we discuss the main topic of the paper: the Local Archeo Plan, which is one of the main products of the ArcheoDanube project. The Local Archeo Plan represents a new, broader form of management plan, specially designed for the specific situation of archaeological remains. Unlike conventional management plans for monuments or monumental areas, a Local Archeo Plan can be prepared for wider areas, e.g., a city, and offers us the possibility of dealing with the archaeological remains of different areas, with various solutions for presentation and interpretation, in the frame of a common outline. We then compare the Local Archeo Plan to similar plans in force in Slovenia and elsewhere and assess its relevance and usefulness in the development of archaeological destinations.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116460607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.193
Nica Ciubotaru
The aim of this article is to present some Late Iron Age brooches that were discovered by the means of illegal metal detecting somewhere in Southern/South-Western Transylvania. According to available data, the brooches, along with other artefacts, may have been looted from the Dacian fortress on the Cățănaș hill from Tilișca, Sibiu county. Given that the brooches have been decontextualised, an interpretation of this assemblage could not be proposed. Still, the typological analysis of the brooches allowed me to extract new information and to formulate some observations regarding the brooches and dress style of pre-Roman Dacia from the second half of the 2nd c. BC until the beginning of the 2nd c. AD. Since the chronology and nature of the assemblage of the looted brooches correspond to that of the fibulae discovered during the archaeological research of the Dacian site from Tilișca, I have analysed the latter as well. However, because a direct connection with the Dacian fortress from Tilișca cannot be asserted, the brooches from the assemblage could not be interpreted together with the ones found with certainty on the site.
{"title":"Late Iron Age Brooches Presumbly Discovered in the Dacian Fortress from Tilișca (Sibiu County)","authors":"Nica Ciubotaru","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.193","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to present some Late Iron Age brooches that were discovered by the means of illegal metal detecting somewhere in Southern/South-Western Transylvania. According to available data, the brooches, along with other artefacts, may have been looted from the Dacian fortress on the Cățănaș hill from Tilișca, Sibiu county. Given that the brooches have been decontextualised, an interpretation of this assemblage could not be proposed. Still, the typological analysis of the brooches allowed me to extract new information and to formulate some observations regarding the brooches and dress style of pre-Roman Dacia from the second half of the 2nd c. BC until the beginning of the 2nd c. AD. Since the chronology and nature of the assemblage of the looted brooches correspond to that of the fibulae discovered during the archaeological research of the Dacian site from Tilișca, I have analysed the latter as well. However, because a direct connection with the Dacian fortress from Tilișca cannot be asserted, the brooches from the assemblage could not be interpreted together with the ones found with certainty on the site.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"92 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131954510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.329
Sorin Cociș, V. Lăzărescu
The paper discusses the few figurative plastic lamps with the representation of the god Silenus discovered in the Roman province of Dacia starting from the analysis of a recently found specimen at Optatiana / Sutor (Sălaj County, Romania). From a morphological perspective, all these artefacts consist of a central clay statuette around which a series of secondary functional elements are revolving, namely one or more clay lamps. The high quality of these plastic lamps (lychnophoroi) makes such artefacts extremely valuable, while their technical and artistic aspect indicates towards their local production. From a chronological point of view, the data related to their archaeological context of discovery (especially for the items discovered at Optatiana and Porolissum), suggests that such figurative plastic lamps are to be dated in Dacia during the 2nd century AD, representing the revival of a late Hellenistic tradition.
{"title":"Figurative Lamps Depicting Silenus Discovered in Roman Dacia","authors":"Sorin Cociș, V. Lăzărescu","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.329","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses the few figurative plastic lamps with the representation of the god Silenus discovered in the Roman province of Dacia starting from the analysis of a recently found specimen at Optatiana / Sutor (Sălaj County, Romania). From a morphological perspective, all these artefacts consist of a central clay statuette around which a series of secondary functional elements are revolving, namely one or more clay lamps. The high quality of these plastic lamps (lychnophoroi) makes such artefacts extremely valuable, while their technical and artistic aspect indicates towards their local production. From a chronological point of view, the data related to their archaeological context of discovery (especially for the items discovered at Optatiana and Porolissum), suggests that such figurative plastic lamps are to be dated in Dacia during the 2nd century AD, representing the revival of a late Hellenistic tradition.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130735643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.357
C. Cosma
Finger-rings of the 7th–8th century discovered in Transylvania were yielded only by cemeteries, both of inhumation and biritual. The inhumation burial grounds where finger-rings were identified include those of Gâmbaș/Cetățuie or Cimitirul reformat/further Gâmbaș 12, Sâncrai3 and Teiuș4. In biritual cemeteries, finger-rings were found in the burial grounds of Bratei 25 and Sibiu/Gușterița6. The few cemeteries with finger-rings is linked to the small number of burials which contained objects of respective type, and concurrently, with the small number of finger-rings. The Avar cemeteries count a total of five burials with finger-rings among the grave goods, their number amounting to eight exemplars. In the biritual cemeteries mapped in Transylvania, two cremations yielded each a single finger-ring and just one inhumation which contained a single finger-ring. Typologically, finger-ring types are few as well. They come down to two main groups, namely plain finger-rings and finger-rings with ornaments in the upper part of the ring hoop. Plain rings are represented by simple hoops made of iron, bronze or silver threads or thin bars. To the second group belong finger rings of thin sheet, with an ornament in the upper part in the shape of round spheres or round or oval plates. The small number of Avar cemeteries and graves from Transylvania in which finger-rings were found may be the result of various causes. It is very likely that finger-ring wearing was not fashionable in the Avar communities of Transylvania. A second element that may be taken into consideration to interpret the few such artefacts at the level of the archaeological sites from the Transylvanian Plateau is related to the assertion of social standing of those buried with finger-rings as well. The typological identity of the finger-rings from Transylvania (type B), together with the few items and graves where these were discovered may be interpreted as the display of ethnic identity of finger-ring bearers. Lastly, another interpreting acceptable for the finger-rings present in the Avar cemeteries of Transylvania is that of magical object playing an apotropaic role.
{"title":"Seventh-Eigth Centuries Finger-Rings Discovered in Transylvania","authors":"C. Cosma","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.357","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.357","url":null,"abstract":"Finger-rings of the 7th–8th century discovered in Transylvania were yielded only by cemeteries, both of inhumation and biritual. The inhumation burial grounds where finger-rings were identified include those of Gâmbaș/Cetățuie or Cimitirul reformat/further Gâmbaș 12, Sâncrai3 and Teiuș4. In biritual cemeteries, finger-rings were found in the burial grounds of Bratei 25 and Sibiu/Gușterița6. The few cemeteries with finger-rings is linked to the small number of burials which contained objects of respective type, and concurrently, with the small number of finger-rings. The Avar cemeteries count a total of five burials with finger-rings among the grave goods, their number amounting to eight exemplars. In the biritual cemeteries mapped in Transylvania, two cremations yielded each a single finger-ring and just one inhumation which contained a single finger-ring. Typologically, finger-ring types are few as well. They come down to two main groups, namely plain finger-rings and finger-rings with ornaments in the upper part of the ring hoop. Plain rings are represented by simple hoops made of iron, bronze or silver threads or thin bars. To the second group belong finger rings of thin sheet, with an ornament in the upper part in the shape of round spheres or round or oval plates. The small number of Avar cemeteries and graves from Transylvania in which finger-rings were found may be the result of various causes. It is very likely that finger-ring wearing was not fashionable in the Avar communities of Transylvania. A second element that may be taken into consideration to interpret the few such artefacts at the level of the archaeological sites from the Transylvanian Plateau is related to the assertion of social standing of those buried with finger-rings as well. The typological identity of the finger-rings from Transylvania (type B), together with the few items and graves where these were discovered may be interpreted as the display of ethnic identity of finger-ring bearers. Lastly, another interpreting acceptable for the finger-rings present in the Avar cemeteries of Transylvania is that of magical object playing an apotropaic role.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130986447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.7
Marina Musteață, S. Gál
The Roman cemetery at Apulum, Dealul Furcilor is one of the well-known and researched Roman sites of this kind from Dacia. Archaeological excavations started in the 19th century and are continuing today. During the Romanian communist regime, the discovered graves and their inventory were published in archaeological reports. Unfortunately, the reports do not include a detailed description of the finds. Additional papers focused on the artefacts and their functionality within the graves were never written. For these reasons, the excavations from this period need reconsideration. Most of the discoveries made in 1958 were stored inside the deposit of The Archaeology and Art History Institute in Cluj-Napoca and were the main subject of my unpublished master’s thesis entitled Identități individuale și colective în necropola romană de la Apulum-Dealul Furcilor. Studiu de caz – descoperirile din anul 1958, “Babeș-Bolyai” University, Cluj. This article resumes the study made in the thesis, provides a detailed catalogue of the archaeological finds and an analysis of the osteological remains found in the deposit at Cluj-Napoca.
位于阿普卢姆的罗马墓地是达契亚地区最著名的罗马墓地之一。考古发掘始于19世纪，一直持续到今天。在罗马尼亚共产主义政权时期，发现的坟墓及其清单被发表在考古报告中。不幸的是，这些报告没有包括对这些发现的详细描述。关于这些人工制品及其在坟墓中的功能的其他论文从未被写出来。由于这些原因，这一时期的发掘需要重新考虑。1958年的大部分发现都存放在克卢日-纳波卡考古和艺术史研究所的仓库里，也是我未发表的硕士论文Identități individuale și collective n necropola romanu de la Apulum-Dealul Furcilor的主要主题。1958年“Babeș-Bolyai”克卢日大学caz - descoperile研究所。本文恢复了论文的研究，提供了一份详细的考古发现目录，并对克卢日-纳波卡矿床中发现的骨骸进行了分析。
{"title":"The Case Study of the Graves Discovered in 1958 at Apulum-Dealul Furcilor Cemetery, Individual and Collective Social Identities in Roman Graves","authors":"Marina Musteață, S. Gál","doi":"10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33993/ephnap.2022.32.7","url":null,"abstract":"The Roman cemetery at Apulum, Dealul Furcilor is one of the well-known and researched Roman sites of this kind from Dacia. Archaeological excavations started in the 19th century and are continuing today. During the Romanian communist regime, the discovered graves and their inventory were published in archaeological reports. Unfortunately, the reports do not include a detailed description of the finds. Additional papers focused on the artefacts and their functionality within the graves were never written. For these reasons, the excavations from this period need reconsideration. Most of the discoveries made in 1958 were stored inside the deposit of The Archaeology and Art History Institute in Cluj-Napoca and were the main subject of my unpublished master’s thesis entitled Identități individuale și colective în necropola romană de la Apulum-Dealul Furcilor. Studiu de caz – descoperirile din anul 1958, “Babeș-Bolyai” University, Cluj. This article resumes the study made in the thesis, provides a detailed catalogue of the archaeological finds and an analysis of the osteological remains found in the deposit at Cluj-Napoca.","PeriodicalId":365458,"journal":{"name":"Ephemeris Napocensis","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116968249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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