Insignia: Journal of International Relations最新文献

{"title":"The Role of OIC to Tackle Discrimination against Uighur Muslims by the Chinese Government in Xinjiang","authors":"Nurul Indah Dalillah","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4284","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract \u0000The Uighur are a minority Muslim group living in Xinjiang, China. Muslim Uighurs are prohibited from performing religious rituals in mosques and praying by the Chinese government. Human rights violations committed against Uighur Muslims such as being prohibited in freedom of expression, barriers to education, and discrimination against Uighur still occur in Xinjiang, China. Therefore, this paper will analyze the efforts of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as an organization that assists in resolving conflicts in Muslim countries and liberating Muslim rights to contribute to the prevention, management, and resolution of world conflicts that can make their efforts to free discrimination among Muslim Uighur. In this study the researcher using the theory of the role of international organizations from several experts. At the same time in this study using a qualitative method with a descriptive approach through books, journals, or news related to Uighur Muslim issues. The type of data collected also uses secondary data from several studies that have been conducted. The OIC has coordinated and dialogued with the Chinese government through a meeting of the OIC Secretariat General with the delegate of China to report the OIC's direct visit to Xinjiang but this has not freed Uighur Muslims. \u0000Keywords: Discrimination, OIC, Uighur Muslim","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128973982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Use of Populism as a Pragmatist Approach in Indonesia","authors":"Albert Triwibowo, Jessica Martha","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4046","url":null,"abstract":"Populism usually appears when there is dissatisfaction towards the system, and creates two different camps seen as polarization, “the elite” versus “the people.” Those camps are a result of the appeal of anti-elite. Indonesian populist leader also uses the strategy to appeal a large support of citizens, but the strategy must be understood as a part of pragmatist leadership. This paper argues that the utilization of populism in Indonesia is more motivated by pragmatic reasons rather than fundamental reasons. This pragmatic reason can be seen through inconsistent statement in the leadership which, at first, supports populist claim but tends to be different in reality. Political leaders in Indonesia try to strive for a progress as well as to seek a compromise and a support from various groups, including those labeled as elite by the populists themselves. Through an observation of secondary documents from journals and news articles during the latest presidential campaign between Jokowi and Prabowo in 2019, it is concluded that all characteristics of populist strategy have been used pragmatically by both leaders. It is applied to attract more supports in order to respect the political constraints and to work with the system.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129381840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Korean Wave (Hallyu) dan Persepsi Kaum Muda di Indonesia: Peran Media dan Diplomasi Publik Korea Selatan","authors":"Teguh Puja Pramadya, Jusmalia Oktaviani","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.3857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.1.3857","url":null,"abstract":"Budaya populer Gelombang Korea (Korean Wave/Hallyu) dari Korea Selatan telah menyebar hampir ke seluruh dunia, termasuk Indonesia. Produk budaya Korea Selatan seperti musik, film, tarian, drama televisi, hingga produk budaya lain seperti bahasa dan kuliner, banyak digemari oleh masyarakat Indonesia, terutama generasi muda. Sebagai dampak globalisasi yang menyebarkan Gelombang Korea, kaum muda tentu saja mendapatkan porsi yang besar, karena mereka menjadi penikmat semua aspek budaya popular tersebut. Dalam kurun waktu beberapa tahun terakhir, penelitian yang membahas mengenai Korea Selatan, terutama mengenai Korean Wave-nya menjadi salah satu topik paling populer. Oleh karena itu, peneliti mengajukan pertanyaan penelitian: Bagaimana Pengaruh Korean Wave (Hallyu) Terhadap Persepsi Kaum Muda mengenai Korea Selatan di Indonesia, khususnya pada Mahasiswa Hubungan Internasional Fisip Unjani? Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan data focus group discussion, observasi, serta teknik dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa Gelombang Korea memang memiliki pengaruh yang cukup besar pada mahasiswa, sehingga para mahasiswa ini tertarik untuk mempelajari aspek-aspek budaya yang berasal dari Korea Selatan. \u0000Kata kunci: budaya pop Korea; pengaruh Korean Wave, mahasiswa Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"118 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131942107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Diplomasi Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia-Norwegia Melalui REDD+ Agreement","authors":"Pramesti Cahyani Hedhi Ningsih","doi":"10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.2.1504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.2.1504","url":null,"abstract":"Seiring meningkatnya kesadaran masyarakat dunia, isu lingkungan hidup menjadi salah satu isu yang penting untuk dibicarakan di tingkat internasional. Deforestasi dan degradasi lahan yang diakibatkan oleh aktivitas manusia, merupakan salah satu isu penting dalam lingkungan. Indonesia merupakan negara yang memiliki hutan tropis yang sangat luas menunjukkan komitmennya untuk menekan emisi yang dihasilkan. Komitmen Indonesia dilihat strategis oleh Norwegia sebagai negara yang peduli akan lingkungan hidup sehingga disepakati kerja sama internasional antara melalui REDD+ agreement. REDD+ memiliki tujuan untuk mengurangi emisi yang dihasilkan oleh deforestasi dan degradasi hutan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan melihat bagaimana diplomasi lingkungan hidup Indonesia-Norwegia, yang dikaji menggunakan 6 kunci elemen diplomasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama REDD+ Indonesia-Norwegia berjalan dengan baik, atas dasar kepentingan nasional kedua negara dan dilihat bahwa REDD+ mengalami keterlambatan dalam mencapai target yang seharusnya dipenuhi pada tahun 2016, hal ini dikarenakan oleh Indonesia belum mampu memenuhi syarat yang diberikan Norwegia untuk mendirikan institutional set up. Namun, Indonesia dan Norwegia tetap melanjutkan kerja sama untuk mencapai target yang telah disepakati.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123539327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Analisis Peran Rusia sebagai Mediator dalam Penyelesaian Konflik Nagorno Karabakh Periode 2008-2016","authors":"A. Dewantara, M. Yamin","doi":"10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1479","url":null,"abstract":"The Nagorno Karabakh conflict is a conflict over territorial disputes that is synonymous with inter-Azerbaijan strife that adheres to the principle of integrating its territory in Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia which support the Nagorno Karabakh region and ethnic Armenians who are in it for independence from Azerbaijan. The dynamics of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia continue to unfold, and there has never been a sustainable peace agreement between the two parties in dispute since the peace agreement Bishkek (Bishkek Protocol) 1994. Along with the dynamics of the battle, Russia has a very active role in the mediation and peace-building process between the two parties in conflict. Russia's position as mediator is carried out within the official framework of the OSCE Minsk Group and in the personal initiation of the state in the medium of the trilateral meeting. This research will describe the dynamics of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict in the period 2008-2016 along with efforts to resolve disputes under the Russian role. \u0000Keywords : Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Russia, Mediation, and Contigency Model","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129805558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"ASEAN Contemporary Security: Maritime Diplomacy in Handling of Maritime Security Threats in Malaka Strait","authors":"Laode Muhammad Fathun","doi":"10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1414","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract \u0000This paper will explain the consequences of Indonesia's geopolitical location, namely in the Malacca Strait as an international trade route. The Malacca Strait is a crossing route for foreign ships to distribute goods to various regions. However, the strategic channel not only attracts sympathy from international entrepreneurs but also attracts these criminals and hijackers to obtain economic results from this activity. The Malacca Strait strategically makes pirates and pirates criminalize passing ships. On the other hand, the consequences of state legal matters are maintaining security and safety, and the comfort of crossings in the Malacca Strait. With a number of problems, both defense, governance and management infrastructure that cannot be seen in a fixed manner. In addition, its position borders on three countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. With a qualitative descriptive analysis method, this paper explains the need for bilateral, trilateral and regional multi-level diplomacy approaches to solve problems. And the purpose of this article is that piracy occurred in the Straits of Malacca because of its strategic geopolitical structure and weak Indonesian defense. So, collaboration is needed, coordination through diplomacy and military projections as an effort to safeguard the sea area, sea control and military defense articulation. Thus, the authors hope that this article can add knowledge to the study of international relations, especially in marine studies. \u0000Keywords: Geopolitics, Maritime State, Malacca Strait, Piracy, Multilevel Diplomacy \u0000  \u0000Abstrak \u0000Paper ini akan menjelaskan konsekuensi dari lokasi geopolitik Indonesia, yaitu di Selat Malaka sebagai rute perdagangan internasional. Selat Malaka adalah rute penyeberangan bagi kapal-kapal asing untuk mendistribusikan barang ke berbagai daerah. Namun, saluran strategis tidak hanya menarik simpati dari pengusaha internasional tetapi juga menarik para pelaku kejahatan dan pembajak ini untuk mendapatkan hasil ekonomi dari kegiatan ini. Selat Malaka yang strategis membuat perompak dan pembajak mengkriminalkan kapal yang lewat. Sisi lain, konsekuensi dari urusan hukum negara adalah menjaga keamanan dan keselamatan, dan kenyamanan penyeberangan di Selat Malaka. Dengan sejumlah masalah baik pertahanan, tata kelola, infrastruktur manajemen yang tidak bisa dilihat secara secara terpisa. Selain itu  posisinya berbatasan dengan tiga negara yaitu Indonesia, Malaysia dan Singapura. Dengan metode analisis deskriptif kualitatif, makalah ini menjelaskan perlunya pendekatan diplomasi multi-level bilateral, trilateral dan regional untuk menyelesaikan masalah. Dan tujuan dari artikel ini bahwa pembajakan terjadi di Selat Malaka karena struktur geopolitik yang strategis dan pertahanan Indonesia yang lemah. Jadi, diperlukan kolaborasi, koordinasi melalui diplomasi dan proyeksi militer sebagai upaya untuk menjaga wilayah laut, kontrol laut dan artikulasi pertahanan militer. Dengan demi","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"142 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128720221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Perbandingan Penegakan Demokrasi di Indonesia Pasca-Rezim Suharto dan Filipina Pasca-Rezim Marcos","authors":"Kisno Hadi","doi":"10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1246","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrak \u0000Tulisan ini mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis perjalanan memperoleh demokrasi di dua negara yang pernah sama-sama mengalami rezim anti demokrasi yaitu Indonesia di bawah Suharto dan Filipina di bawah Marcos. Dua negara ini sama-sama mengalami rezim militeristik, namun setelah demokrasi berhasil diraih dan ditegakkan tetap saja terjadi kecenderungan-kecenderungan tindakan aktor politik hendak mengembalikan ke keadaan anti demokrasi seperti praktik pemerintahan yang tidak mencerminkan nilai-nilai demokrasi yaitu korupsi, politik oligarki, lemahnya penegakan hukum di berbagai bidang, hingga separatisme. Ada 3 hal penting yang disampaikan dalam tulisan ini, yaitu pertama, keadaan rezim militeristik yang menguasai kedua negara; kedua, latar belakang kejatuhan rezim militeristik dan diperolehnya sistem demokrasi dalam pengelolaan negara; dan ketiga, tantangan penegakan dan pelaksanaan demokrasi bagi kedua negara dalam politik masa kini. Tulisan ini merupakan hasil studi pustaka dengan metode deskriptif explanatory dan teknik analisis data kualitatif interpretatif. Temuan studi ini ialah Pertama, praktik demokrasi menunjukkan banyak hal baik seperti implementasi good governance dan pembangunan ekonomi melalui infrastruktur dan pajak, namun disertai munculnya masalah baru seperti menguatnya oligarki di pusat dan daerah di bidang politik dan ekonomi hingga membesarnya praktik korupsi pejabat negara. Kedua, ada perbedaan sikap politik kedua negara dalam rekonsiliasi dengan rezim masa lalu, Filipina dapat melupakan trauma politik masa lalu yakni aktor politik masa kini yang merupakan warisan rezim politik masa lalu bisa bekerjasama dan berkonsentrasi membangun bangsa dan negara ke depan tanpa saling fitnah dan kecurigaan. Sedangkan di Indonesia, terjadi sikap politik berbeda, di mana saling curiga dan fitnah yang sering dikaitkan dengan warisan politik masa lalu; Ketiga, kedua negara terus bekerja keras mencari model demokrasi yang cocok; dan Keempat, kedua negara mempunyai tugas besar dalam menegakkan demokrasi dengan bekerja keras menciptakan kesejahteraan bagi warga negara, penegakan hukum termasuk pemberantasan korupsi, pemberantasan narkoba, kerjasama luar negeri dan membina hubungan politik pusat dan daerah. \u0000Kata kunci: Demokrasi, Militeristik, Negara, Perbandingan Politik, Politik Kontemporer \u0000  \u0000Abstract \u0000This article describes and analyzes the journey of enforcement of democracy between Indonesia and Philipines which is occur after the end of regimes that tore both countries, i.e. by regime of Suharto in Indonesia and Marcos in Phillipines. But, the facts these countries still struggling to resolve tendencies that weaken democratization such as corruptions, oligarkhi of politics, weakness of law enforcement, separatism etc. For those reasons, author underlines three important things in this article to analyze problems, i.e., firstly, situation of regimes that control both countries; secondly, background of situation that overthrown the reg","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124504949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Donald Trump, America First, dan Deglobalisasi: Bagaimana Kelanjutannya?","authors":"Helsi Eka Putri, Aspin Nur Arifin Rivai","doi":"10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1318","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrak \u0000Terpilihnya Donald Trump di satu sisi menjadi primadona bagi basis politik ultra kanan atau kadang disebut the looser of globalization, di sisi lain sebagai ancaman bagi pendukung globalisasi khususnya mereka (baik negara, kelompok pebisnis, dan masyarakat transnasional) yang khawatir atas menguatnya fenomena deglobalisasi. Fenomena Trump dan deglobalisasi menjadi perhatian artikel ini, dengan mengajukan pertanyaan kunci yaitu: mengapa di tengah globalisasi yang berlangsung, kebijakan luar negeri Trump justru menempuh pendekatan ekonomi politik proteksionis? Tulisan ini pada dasarnya menguji kembali relasi antar negara dan globalisasi dengan temuan bahwa keterpilihan Trump merupakan perluasan tren deglobalisasi yang sebelumnya berlangsung pasca Krisis Finansial Global 2008. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pola deduktif deskriptif. Data akan berbentuk data sekunder dan data primer.  Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa kebijakan Trump yang cenderung tertutup dalam kerjasama ekonomi-politik merupakan strategi rebalancing terhadap lawan utamanya yaitu China. Tulisan ini kemudian memprediksikan bahwa kebijakan ekonomi Trump dapat berkonstribusi pada AS sebagai negara superior yang semakin defisit. China lantas menjadi penyeimbang poros globalisasi (multilateral approach) disaat AS memilih proteksionis. \u0000Kata kunci: America First, Deglobalisasi, Globalisasi , Krisis Finansial Global (KFG) \u0000  \u0000Abstract \u0000The election of Donald Trump on the one hand is a prima donna for the ultra right political base or sometimes called the looser of globalization, on the other hand as a threat to supporters of globalization especially those who are concerned about the strengthening of the deglobalisation phenomenon (countries, business groups and transnational communities). Trump's phenomenon and deglobalisation are of concern to this article, by asking key questions, namely: why in the midst of the ongoing globalization, Trump's foreign policy has taken the approach of a protectionist political economy? This paper basically reexamines relations between countries and globalization with the finding that Trump's electability is an expansion of the previous globalization trend after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis. This paper uses qualitative methods with descriptive-deductive pattern. Data will be presented as secondary and primer. The results of this research show that Trump's policy which tends leaning to isolationism from political-economic cooperation is a rebalancing strategy towards its main opponents namely China. This paper then predicts that Trump's economic policies can contribute to the US as a superior country that is increasingly deficit. China then became the axis of balancing globalization (multilateral approach) when the US chose protectionism. \u0000Keywords: America First, Deglobalisation, Globalization, Global Financial Crisis (GFC)","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133564291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"NGO dalam Diplomasi Ekonomi: Implementasi Program Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s) Poin Pengentasan Ketimpangan Sosial di Indonesia","authors":"A. Ismail","doi":"10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.INS.2019.6.1.1255","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrak \u0000Perubahan konstelasi global memberikan dampak nyata dari segi aktor diplomasi ekonomi. Jikalau dahulu hanya negara dan MNC yang saling berinteraksi, kini dunia internasional memasukan NGO dan IGO kedalam interaksi diplomasi ekonomi saat ini dengan perannya masing-masing. INFID sebagai NGO berperan penting terhadap aktor diplomasi ekonomi lainnya. Lebih lanjut, dalam diplomasi ekonomi transnasional memiliki spesialisasi dengan memasukan isu transnasional, aktor NGO dan IGO di dalamnya. Artikel ini lebih spesifik menelaah implementasi SDGs di Indonesia –isu pengentasan ketimpangan sosial sebagai isu transnasional menunjukkan tren meningkat di dunia, khususnya di Indonesia. Artikel ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus maupun studi pustaka. Di lain sisi, artikel ini pula berargumen bahwa INFID memiliki peran penting dalam diplomasi ekonomi transnasional Indonesia dengan cara memberikan peran aktif dengan berbagai cara dalam proses pengambilan kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia maupun pada pertemuan PBB terkait implementasi SDGs poin pengentasan ketimpangan sosial. Pada kesimpulannya, isu pengentasan ketimpangan sosial menjadi isu transnasional yang semakin penting. Merespon isu tersebut, INFID sebagai NGO memiliki peran penting terhadap pengambilan kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia sebagai bagian diplomasi ekonomi transnasionalnya.  \u0000Kata kunci: NGO, pengurangan ketimpangan sosial, SDGs, diplomasi ekonomi transnasional \u0000  \u0000Abstract \u0000Changes in the global constellation have a real impact in terms of economic diplomacy actors. If in the past only the state and MNC interacted with each other, now the international world has included NGOs and IGOs ​​into the interaction of current economic diplomacy with their respective roles. INFID as an NGO plays an important role in other economic diplomacy actors. Furthermore, in transnational economic diplomacy has a specialization by including transnational issues, NGO and IGO actors ​​in it.  This article is more specific examine the implementation of SDGs in Indonesia - the issue of alleviating social inequality as a transnational issue shows an increasing trend in the world, especially in Indonesia. This article uses qualitative research methods with case study approach and literature studies. On the other hand, this article also argued that INFID has an important role in the Indonesia's transnational economic diplomacy by playing an active role in various ways in the Indonesian government's policy-making process as well as at UN meetings related to the implementation of the SDGs to reduce social inequality. In conclusion, the issue of alleviating social inequality has become an increasingly important transnational issue. Responding to the issue, INFID as an NGO has important role in the Indonesian government's policy making as part of its transnational economic diplomacy. \u0000Keywords: NGOs, social inequality alleviation, SDGs, transnational economic diplomacy","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131205820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}