Pub Date : 2022-12-02DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6920
Lintang Sumunaring Tyas, Havidz Ageng Prakoso
The problem of climate change is a global threat, which is driven by the production of global carbon emissions that continue to increase every year, reaching 36.4 billion metric tons in 2020. If this continues, climate change will cause various negative impacts on the lives of the global community in the field of environmental, economic, social, and health. Therefore, countries must commit and make real efforts to reduce global carbon emissions each year. Denmark is one of the countries that has big ambitions to reduce global carbon emissions, so it makes various efforts at the national, regional, and international levels, and becomes a role model for other countries. The purpose of this research is to find out Denmark's efforts to reduce global carbon emissions. The research used a qualitative descriptive method by using Green Diplomacy Concept in describing Denmark’seffort. The results obtained are that Denmark has succeeded in becoming a country that has significantly reduced national carbon emission production, which was then continued by carrying out The Green Frontline Mission program in various countries, encouraging carbon emission reduction policies in the European Union, becoming chairman of COP26, and establishing the Beyond organization. Oil & Gas Alliance (BOGA). Denmark's various efforts in suppressing the production of global carbon emissions are part of green diplomacy which not only achieves the national interest but also the public interest, namely solving the problem of climate change.
{"title":"Fighting Against Climate Change: Denmark’s Effort in Reducing Global Carbon Emissions","authors":"Lintang Sumunaring Tyas, Havidz Ageng Prakoso","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6920","url":null,"abstract":"The problem of climate change is a global threat, which is driven by the production of global carbon emissions that continue to increase every year, reaching 36.4 billion metric tons in 2020. If this continues, climate change will cause various negative impacts on the lives of the global community in the field of environmental, economic, social, and health. Therefore, countries must commit and make real efforts to reduce global carbon emissions each year. Denmark is one of the countries that has big ambitions to reduce global carbon emissions, so it makes various efforts at the national, regional, and international levels, and becomes a role model for other countries. The purpose of this research is to find out Denmark's efforts to reduce global carbon emissions. The research used a qualitative descriptive method by using Green Diplomacy Concept in describing Denmark’seffort. The results obtained are that Denmark has succeeded in becoming a country that has significantly reduced national carbon emission production, which was then continued by carrying out The Green Frontline Mission program in various countries, encouraging carbon emission reduction policies in the European Union, becoming chairman of COP26, and establishing the Beyond organization. Oil & Gas Alliance (BOGA). Denmark's various efforts in suppressing the production of global carbon emissions are part of green diplomacy which not only achieves the national interest but also the public interest, namely solving the problem of climate change.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124851128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4636
Hino Samuel Jose, Hree Dharma Santhi Putri Samudra
The adoption of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has brought the Asia Pacific region into a new paradigm of ASEAN regionalism. The global economic competition between China and the western world significantly impacts Southeast Asian countries regionally due to geographical factors and regional integration towards the ASEAN community. The changing regional order then happened after RCEP increased China's interest in the Southeast Asian geopolitical landscape and ASEAN – China's role in post-pandemic global governance. The authors discussed how China's soft power influences ASEAN's regionalism through the RCEP and vice versa. Further, it investigates how the dynamics impact the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific. Using the concept of soft power and institutional neoliberalism, this article has concluded that China is now ascending its inter-regional cooperation to capture a more significant interdependence to challenge the Western's rule of global order. The rivalry between the U.S. and China, ASEAN external partners, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the political cases concerning said stipulations of the AOIP hence identify the impacts and how ASEAN can navigate the region amid global uncertainties.
{"title":"Towards a New ASEAN Regionalism: Navigating the Outlook on Indo-Pacific in Post-RCEP Beyond 2020","authors":"Hino Samuel Jose, Hree Dharma Santhi Putri Samudra","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4636","url":null,"abstract":"The adoption of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has brought the Asia Pacific region into a new paradigm of ASEAN regionalism. The global economic competition between China and the western world significantly impacts Southeast Asian countries regionally due to geographical factors and regional integration towards the ASEAN community. The changing regional order then happened after RCEP increased China's interest in the Southeast Asian geopolitical landscape and ASEAN – China's role in post-pandemic global governance. The authors discussed how China's soft power influences ASEAN's regionalism through the RCEP and vice versa. Further, it investigates how the dynamics impact the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific. Using the concept of soft power and institutional neoliberalism, this article has concluded that China is now ascending its inter-regional cooperation to capture a more significant interdependence to challenge the Western's rule of global order. The rivalry between the U.S. and China, ASEAN external partners, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the political cases concerning said stipulations of the AOIP hence identify the impacts and how ASEAN can navigate the region amid global uncertainties.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121279052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-01DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4995
Ahmad Mudhofarul Baqi
Abstract This article aims to explain the reason the United Arab Emirates (UAE) normalized ties within Israel through Abraham Accord. The normalization of the UAE-Israel ties contra with the position of UAE as a part of the members of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Arab League that have long been conflicting within Israel, due to Israel's annexation over Palestinians. Utilize explanative type and constructivism paradigm based on identity as a tool of analysis, and supported with the secondary data. This article found the difference in religious identity, not automatic interfere step of UAE and Israel normalization process. The normalization of the UAE and Israel drive by the threat of Iran in the region. The threat shape collective identity between UAE and Israel as friends and Iran as a common enemy. The collective identity was also constructed via systemic processes in the form of interdependency and proximity with the United States of America. The collective identity was also constructed through strategic practice by both leaders. Furthermore, amongst UAE and Israel gathered through a type of identity Abraham's religion. Keyword: Normalization, UAE, Israel, Identity, Iran, and Constructivism Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan alasan Uni Emirat Arab (UAE) menjalin normalisasi hubungan dengan Israel melalui perjanjian Abraham Accord. Normalisasi hubungan UAE dengan Israel kontras dengan posisi UAE sebagai negara teluk (GCC) dan Liga Arab yang telah lama berkonflik dengan Israel atas aksi aneksasi Israel di wilayah Palestina. Menggunakan jenis penelitian eksplanatif dengan paradigma konstruktivisme berbasis identitas sebagai pisau analisis, serta didukung oleh data sekunder. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa perbedaan identitas agama tidak lantas menyurutkan langkah UAE dan Israel melakukan normalisasi hubungan. Israel-UAE normalization didorong oleh konteks ancaman regional berupa agresivitas Iran di kawasan. Konteks ancaman Iran membentuk collective identity antara UAE dan Israel sebagai sahabat dan Iran sebagai musuh bersama. Collective identity juga tercipta melalui proses sistemik berupa interdependensi UAE dan Israel dan kedekatan keduanya dengan Amerika Serikat. Collective identity juga terbentuk lewat praktik strategis kedekatan pemimpin kedua negara. Selain itu, antara UAE dan Israel juga disatukan lewat identitas tipe agama Abraham. Kata kunci: Normalisasi, UAE, Israel, Identitas, Iran, dan Konstruktivisme
摘要本文旨在解释阿联酋通过《亚伯拉罕协议》实现与以色列关系正常化的原因。阿联酋与以色列关系的正常化与阿联酋作为海湾合作委员会(GCC)和阿拉伯联盟(Arab League)成员的立场相矛盾，由于以色列对巴勒斯坦的吞并，海湾合作委员会和阿拉伯联盟在以色列内部长期存在冲突。运用基于同一性的解释型和建构主义范式作为分析工具，并辅以辅助数据。本文发现阿以宗教认同的差异，并非自动干预两国正常化进程的步骤。阿联酋和以色列的关系正常化是由伊朗在该地区的威胁推动的。这一威胁塑造了阿联酋和以色列作为朋友、伊朗作为共同敌人的集体认同。集体身份也是通过与美利坚合众国相互依赖和接近的形式通过系统过程构建的。集体认同也是两位领导人通过战略实践建构起来的。此外，在阿联酋和以色列之间，通过一种身份聚集了亚伯拉罕的宗教。关键词:正常化，阿联酋，以色列，认同，伊朗与构成主义摘要:Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan alasan阿拉伯联合酋长国(UAE) menjalin normalisasi hubungan dengan以色列melalui perjanjian Abraham Accord。Normalisasi hubungan，阿联酋，dengan，以色列，kontras, dengan, posisi，阿联酋，sebagai, negara, teluk(海湾合作委员会)，dan, Liga，阿拉伯，yang, telah，喇嘛，berkonflik, dengan，以色列，aksi, aneksasi，以色列，wilayah，巴勒斯坦。孟古纳肯jenis penpenelitian的解释登根范式，建构主义理论的基础认同，在数据挖掘的基础上，在数据分析的基础上，在数据挖掘的基础上。Artikel ini menemukan bahwa perbedaan identitas agama tidak lantas menyurutkan langkah阿联酋和以色列melakukan normalisasi hubungan。以色列和阿联酋的关系正常化，以及中东地区的冲突和伊朗的冲突。Konteks ancaman伊朗membentuk集体身份antara阿联酋丹以色列sebagai sahabat丹伊朗sebagai musuh bersama。集体认同juga tercipta melalui prosimiik berupa相互依存阿联酋和以色列和kedekatan keduanya邓根和美国Serikat。集体认同是党战略的核心，是党战略的核心，是党战略的核心。Selain itu，安塔拉，阿联酋和以色列juga disatukan的身份是阿加玛·亚伯拉罕。Kata kunci: Normalisasi，阿联酋，以色列，Identitas，伊朗，和Konstruktivisme
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The LGBTQ+ community often become a topic of discussion among the global community, including in Southeast Asia. Not only does attention gets support, praise, and criticism, and conflict also emerges in response to this phenomenon. The author raised this discourse to understand the reason for the response given by the community in several Southeast Asia countries. The author uses qualitative research using secondary data in analyzing. The authors will choose the Philippines, Indonesia, and Myanmar as study cases with the social constructivist theory approach. Because the three countries have different cases and levels of acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community. Therefore, the authors understand what is behind the community's views regarding the acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community in three countries in Southeast Asia. The results of this study indicate that the construction of gender in the three countries comes from diverse backgrounds, such as Indonesia, which is dominated by religious morals; the Philippines shaped by local culture; and Myanmar caused of the obstruction of the flow of discourse due to political instability as well as religious views in the country. Keywords: Gender Construction, Indonesia, LGBTQ+, Myanmar, Philippines Abstrak Komunitas LGBTQ+ sering menjadi sebuah pembicaraan hangat di kalangan masyarakat global, termasuk di Asia Tenggara. Tidak hanya perhatian yang didapat, dukungan; pujian; kritik; dan konflik juga muncul sebagai respons terhadap fenomena ini. Penulis mengangkat diskursus ini dengan tujuan memahami apa yang menjadi alasan dari respons yang diberikan oleh masyarakat di beberapa negara Asia Tenggara. Penulis menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan data kepustakaan sekunder dalam menganalisis. Dengan pendekatan teori konstruktivis sosial dalam metode studi kasus negara Filipina, Indonesia, dan Myanmar, dengan alasan ketiga negara tersebut memiliki kasus dan tingkat penerimaan terhadap komunitas LGBTQ+ yang berbeda dengan satu sama lain. Penulis memahami apa yang melatarbelakangi pandangan masyarakat mengenai penerimaan komunitas LGBTQ+ di tiga negara di Asia Tenggara tersebut. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa konstruksi gender di ketiga negara tersebut berasal dari latar belakang yang beragam, seperti Indonesia yang didominasi diskursus berlandaskan moral agama; Filipina yang dibentuk oleh kebudayaan lokal; dan Myanmar yang disebabkan oleh terhambatnya arus diskursus akibat instabilitas politik sekaligus pandangan agama di negara tersebut. Kata - kata kunci: Filipina, Indonesia, Konstruksi Gender, LGBTQ+, Myanmar
LGBTQ+社区经常成为包括东南亚在内的全球社区讨论的话题。关注不仅会得到支持、赞扬和批评，而且这种现象也会引发冲突。作者提出这一论述是为了理解几个东南亚国家的社会对此作出反应的原因。作者采用定性研究方法，利用二手数据进行分析。本文将运用社会建构主义理论的方法，选取菲律宾、印尼和缅甸作为研究案例。因为这三个国家对LGBTQ+群体的接受程度和案例不同。因此，作者了解了东南亚三个国家对LGBTQ+社区接受度的看法背后的原因。研究结果表明，三国性别建构的背景各异，如印度尼西亚以宗教道德为主导;被当地文化塑造的菲律宾;以及缅甸，由于该国的政治不稳定以及宗教观点阻碍了话语的流动。关键词:性别建构，印度尼西亚，LGBTQ+，缅甸，菲律宾摘要Komunitas LGBTQ+服务menjadi sebuah pembicaraan hangat di kalangan masyarakat global, termasuk di Asia TenggaraTidak hanya perhatian yang didapat, dukungan;pujian;kritik;Dan konflik juga muncul sebagai对这些现象做出了回应。在此，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是，我想说的是。孟古纳坎的Penulis mongunakan的质量，邓安孟古纳坎的数据，kepustakan和sekkam menganalysis。在菲律宾、印度尼西亚、缅甸等地进行社会发展研究，在菲律宾、印度尼西亚、缅甸等地开展社会发展研究，在菲律宾、印度尼西亚、缅甸等地开展社会发展研究，在菲律宾、印度尼西亚、缅甸开展社会发展研究，在菲律宾、印度尼西亚、缅甸开展社会发展研究。【译文】在这个世界上，同性恋者和同性恋者都是同性恋者。Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa konstruksi gender di ketiga negara tersebut berasal dari latar belakang yang beragam, seperti Indonesia yang didominasi diskursus berlandaskan moral agama;菲律宾杨dibentuk oleh kebudayaan本地;但缅甸yang disebabkan oleh terhambatnya是diskursus akibat不稳定的政治，sekaligus pandangan agama di negara tersebut。Kata - Kata kunci:菲律宾，印度尼西亚，Konstruksi性别，LGBTQ+，缅甸
{"title":"Gender Construction in Southeast Asia Through a Social Constructivism Perspective","authors":"Ahnaf Fairuzuhdy Aslam, Erika Intan Hulieta, Ammar Bianda Katon","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5128","url":null,"abstract":"The LGBTQ+ community often become a topic of discussion among the global community, including in Southeast Asia. Not only does attention gets support, praise, and criticism, and conflict also emerges in response to this phenomenon. The author raised this discourse to understand the reason for the response given by the community in several Southeast Asia countries. The author uses qualitative research using secondary data in analyzing. The authors will choose the Philippines, Indonesia, and Myanmar as study cases with the social constructivist theory approach. Because the three countries have different cases and levels of acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community. Therefore, the authors understand what is behind the community's views regarding the acceptance of the LGBTQ+ community in three countries in Southeast Asia. The results of this study indicate that the construction of gender in the three countries comes from diverse backgrounds, such as Indonesia, which is dominated by religious morals; the Philippines shaped by local culture; and Myanmar caused of the obstruction of the flow of discourse due to political instability as well as religious views in the country. \u0000Keywords: Gender Construction, Indonesia, LGBTQ+, Myanmar, Philippines \u0000 \u0000Abstrak \u0000Komunitas LGBTQ+ sering menjadi sebuah pembicaraan hangat di kalangan masyarakat global, termasuk di Asia Tenggara. Tidak hanya perhatian yang didapat, dukungan; pujian; kritik; dan konflik juga muncul sebagai respons terhadap fenomena ini. Penulis mengangkat diskursus ini dengan tujuan memahami apa yang menjadi alasan dari respons yang diberikan oleh masyarakat di beberapa negara Asia Tenggara. Penulis menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan data kepustakaan sekunder dalam menganalisis. Dengan pendekatan teori konstruktivis sosial dalam metode studi kasus negara Filipina, Indonesia, dan Myanmar, dengan alasan ketiga negara tersebut memiliki kasus dan tingkat penerimaan terhadap komunitas LGBTQ+ yang berbeda dengan satu sama lain. Penulis memahami apa yang melatarbelakangi pandangan masyarakat mengenai penerimaan komunitas LGBTQ+ di tiga negara di Asia Tenggara tersebut. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa konstruksi gender di ketiga negara tersebut berasal dari latar belakang yang beragam, seperti Indonesia yang didominasi diskursus berlandaskan moral agama; Filipina yang dibentuk oleh kebudayaan lokal; dan Myanmar yang disebabkan oleh terhambatnya arus diskursus akibat instabilitas politik sekaligus pandangan agama di negara tersebut. \u0000Kata - kata kunci: Filipina, Indonesia, Konstruksi Gender, LGBTQ+, Myanmar","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125281495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-30DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4661
Karina Erdian Hapsari
This paper reviews the importance of NGO-corporate partnerships towards sustainable development for Indian children. Specifically, this paper analyzes CRY India and the three big corporations – Marks & Spencer, Microsoft, Bajaj Finserv – as the research subject. The NGO-corporate partnerships are crucial in the sustainable development process. Moreover, in India, the number of child labor is increasing. Thus, in order to achieve sustainable development, the child labor issue must be tackled in the right ways as children are the basis for all dimensions of sustainable development. For analysis, this paper uses an explanative approach, with secondary data. The analysis found that there are two reasons to explain their significant partnerships, as a ‘bridge’ between the actors and long-term potential value. A bridge between the actors in this paper refers to CRY India-three big corporations (Marks & Spencer, Microsoft, Bajaj Finserv) interrelations. These interrelations illustrate the needs of NGOs in funding and on the other hand, NGOs provide ‘space’ for corporate social responsibility through their programs. A ‘space’ in this paper refers to the access given by CRY India for corporates to do their CSR through CRY India’s projects as an altruistic action for both CRY and corporates. Meanwhile, the potential value leads to the benefit and impact that goes beyond partnerships, which is a better sustainable development for Indian children. In conclusion, the NGO-corporate partnerships are still needed to tackle today’s problem, and it might give an incredible impact. Though, there are some debates about their relations.
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Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.4550
Anugerah Akbar Maulana
Abstract SCS conflict comprises a substantial threat to Indonesia as China’s nine-dash line overlaps with Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone EEZ in Natuna waters. The spillover of the conflict was exposed through China’s incursions in Natuna waters from 2010 to 2020 as China regard it has the right to carry out activities in several areas of Natuna waters that are considered as part of maritime territorial violations for Indonesia. Indonesia deploys the capabilities of its naval forces’ in Natuna waters in response to China’s incursions in which this phenomenon could be regarded as gunboat diplomacy. This study aimed to reveal the efficacy of Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy to deter China's incursions in Natuna Waters. Through the qualitative method, official documents and relevant literature will be analyzed to answer the study's objective. Employing gunboat diplomacy and deterrence as the conceptual framework, this study discerns that Indonesian naval forces become the forefront instrument as gunboat diplomacy in deterring China's assertiveness in SCS dispute, which led to the incursions over Indonesia maritime territory in Natuna. This study discovered that Indonesia's gunboat diplomacy leveraged as the purposeful forces and expressive force in which the warship managed as the media of diplomacy that altered China's vessels' behaviour over the incursions in Natuna waters and enabled Indonesia naval force fruitful to crackdown China's incursions in particular point of the occasion. However, gunboat diplomacy as Indonesia's deterrence means has not thoroughly delivered a deterrent effect to China since Chinese vessels' activities still recurred in Natuna waters at the latest 2020. Abstrak Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) memuat ancaman bagi Indonesia karena sembilan garis putus-putus Tiongkok tumpang tindih dengan Zona Ekonomi Ekslusif Indonesia (ZEE) di perairan Natuna. Limpahan konflik tersebut terpapar pada serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna sejak tahun 2010 hingga 2020 dimana Tiongkok menganggap memiliki hak untuk beraktivitas di beberapa area di perairan Natuna, sedangkan hal tersebut dianggap sebagai pelanggaran wilayah maritim bagi Indonesia. Indonesia mengerahkan kemampuan angkatan lautnya di perairan Natuna sebagai tanggapan atas serbuan Tiongkok di mana fenomena ini dapat dianggap sebagai diplomasi kapal perang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap seberapa ampuh diplomasi kapal perang Indonesia untuk menangkal serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna. Melalui metode kualitatif, dokumen resmi dan literatur yang relevan akan di analisa untuk menjawab tujuan penelitian. Menggunakan diplomasi kapal perang dan deterensi sebagai kerangka konseptual, penelitian ini melihat bahwa kekuatan angkatan laut menjadi instrumen terdepan sebagai diplomasi kapal perang untuk menangkal perilaku asertif Tiongkok di konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS) yang menyebabkan Tiongkok menyerbu wilayah perairan Indonesia di Natuna. Penelitian ini menemukan
由于中国的九段线与印尼在纳土纳海域的专属经济区重叠，南海冲突对印尼构成了重大威胁。2010年至2020年，中国在纳土纳群岛海域的入侵暴露了冲突的外溢性，因为中国认为自己有权在纳土纳群岛海域的几个区域开展活动，这些区域被认为是侵犯印尼海洋领土的一部分。印尼在纳土纳群岛海域部署了海军力量，以回应中国的入侵，这种现象可以被视为炮舰外交。本研究旨在揭示印尼炮舰外交对遏制中国在纳土纳海域的入侵的有效性。通过定性的方法，官方文件和相关文献将被分析，以回答研究的目的。以炮舰外交和威慑为概念框架，本研究发现印度尼西亚海军力量成为炮舰外交的前沿工具，以威慑中国在南海争端中的自信，导致对纳土纳群岛印度尼西亚海上领土的入侵。本研究发现，印度尼西亚的炮舰外交作为一种有目的的力量和表现力的力量，在这种力量中，军舰作为外交媒体，改变了中国船只在纳土纳海域的入侵行为，使印度尼西亚海军在特定场合有效地镇压了中国的入侵。然而，截至2020年，中国舰船仍在纳土纳群岛海域频繁活动，作为印尼威慑手段的炮舰外交并未对中国产生彻底的威慑作用。摘要/ abstract摘要:Konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS)纪念馆，印度尼西亚，karena sembilan garis, putus-putus, Tiongkok tumpang, dindinan, Zona Ekonomi, Ekslusif Indonesia (ZEE)， perairan Natuna。Limpahan konflik tersebut terpapar pada serbuan Tiongkok di perairan Natuna sejak tahun 2010 hinga 2020 dimana Tiongkok menganggap memiliki hak untuk beraktivitas di beberapa area di perairan Natuna, sedangkan hal tersebut dianggap sebagai pelanggaran wilayah maritimbagi印度尼西亚。印度尼西亚人，我的祖国，我的祖国，我的祖国，我的祖国，我的祖国，我的祖国，我的祖国，我的祖国。印尼驻印尼大使、驻印尼大使、驻印尼大使、驻印尼大使、驻印尼大使、驻印尼大使、驻印尼大使。摘要美拉鲁方法定性、多普勒曼定性、多普勒曼定性、多普勒曼定性、多普勒曼定性、多普勒曼定性分析。蒙古那喀山外交使节，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在马来西亚，在印度尼西亚。印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长，印尼外交部长。Namun，马来西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，马来西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，印度尼西亚外交部长，2020年。
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Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5089
Ulim Maidatul Cholif, A. Paksi
Indonesia-Korea Comprehensive Economic Agreement Partnership (IK-CEPA) is a lengthy bilateral agreement. Negotiations were terminated in 2014 due to a discrepancy in the agreement between the Korean and Indonesian governments. Then, in 2018, Korea agreed to reactivate the IK-CEPA agreement in response to the Indonesian government's request. This paper analyzes the reasons behind South Korea's foreign policy in deciding to reactivate the IK-CEPA. The author uses the concept of National Interest to identify Korean foreign policy decision-making. A qualitative descriptive approach is used to uncover data about the phenomena. The author examines data from books, journals, government data, and reliable online articles. Then, summarize and evaluate all the relevant facts. Research shows that Korea's policy to reactivate the IK-CEPA agreement is based on South Korea‘s desire to achieve a trade surplus while expanding investment finance in Indonesia.
{"title":"South Korea's Interests behind the Reactivation of IK-CEPA Negotiations with Indonesia","authors":"Ulim Maidatul Cholif, A. Paksi","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.1.5089","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia-Korea Comprehensive Economic Agreement Partnership (IK-CEPA) is a lengthy bilateral agreement. Negotiations were terminated in 2014 due to a discrepancy in the agreement between the Korean and Indonesian governments. Then, in 2018, Korea agreed to reactivate the IK-CEPA agreement in response to the Indonesian government's request. This paper analyzes the reasons behind South Korea's foreign policy in deciding to reactivate the IK-CEPA. The author uses the concept of National Interest to identify Korean foreign policy decision-making. A qualitative descriptive approach is used to uncover data about the phenomena. The author examines data from books, journals, government data, and reliable online articles. Then, summarize and evaluate all the relevant facts. Research shows that Korea's policy to reactivate the IK-CEPA agreement is based on South Korea‘s desire to achieve a trade surplus while expanding investment finance in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127583016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-03DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4617
Seftina Kuswardini, Harits Dwi Wiratma
Abstract The government policy contained in Presidential Regulation Number 21 of 2016 contains the exemption of tourist visit visas for foreign tourists in an effort to increase state revenue through the tourism sector. Through several cases, the policy decision gave freedom to 169 countries wishing to make tourist visits to Indonesia. In the course of implementing the policy, there are several things that make this policy necessary to be reviewed. The exemption of tourist visas, which is expected to contribute the largest foreign exchange to the country, has not only succeeded in increasing state revenue but also has increased the threat to state security in several sectors. Given that Indonesia provides opportunities for foreign tourists to enter Indonesian territory easily, the government should carry out socialization and coordination with all national sectors as a form of preparation for the surge in foreign tourists. This study aims to explore information regarding the extent to which the security threats obtained as an implication of the visa exemption policy are divided into transnational crimes, ecological and economic damage. Keywords: Policy, Visa, Tourism, Implications, Security Abstrak Kebijakan pemerintah yang tertuang dalam Peraturan Presiden Nomor 21 Tahun 2016 berisi tentang pembebasan visa kunjungan wisata untuk turis manacanegara dalam upaya meningkatkan pendapatan negara mellaui sektor pariwisata. Melalui beberapa klai putusan kebijakan tersebut memberikan kebebasan pada 169 negara yang ingin melakukan kunjungan wisata ke Indonesia. Dalam perjalanan implementasi dari kebijakan tersebut terdapat bebrapa hal yang membuat kebijakan tersebut perlu untuk untuk dikaji kembali. Pembebasan visa wisata yang diharapkan dapat menyumbang devisa negara terbesar tidak hanya berhasil menambah pendapatan negara namun juga menambah ancaman keamanan negara pada beberapa sektor. Mengingat bahwa Indonesia memberikan kesempatan wisatawan asing untuk dapat masuk ke wilayah Indonesia dengan mudah maka seharusnya pemerintah melakukan sosialisasi dan koordinasi dengan seluruh sektor nasional sebagai bentuk persiapan menghadapi lonjakan wisatawan asing. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali informais mengenai seberapa jauh ancaman keamanan yang diperoleh sebagai implikasi dari kebijakan pembebasan visa tersebut terbagi dalam kejahatan transnasional, kerusakan ekologi dan ekonomi. Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Visa, Wisata, Implikasi, Keamanan
2016年第21号总统条例中包含的政府政策包括免除外国游客的旅游访问签证，以通过旅游业增加国家收入。通过几个案例，该政策决定给予169个希望到印尼旅游的国家自由。在实施政策的过程中，有几件事使得这项政策有必要进行审查。旅游签证的豁免，预计将为国家带来最大的外汇收入，不仅成功地增加了国家收入，而且在几个部门增加了对国家安全的威胁。鉴于印尼为外国游客进入印尼提供了方便的机会，政府应该与国家各部门进行社会化和协调，作为外国游客激增的准备形式。本研究旨在探讨免签证政策所带来的安全威胁在多大程度上被划分为跨国犯罪、生态和经济损害。关键词:政策、签证、旅游、影响、安全摘要:马来西亚总统诺莫21日于2016年7月1日签署了一份文件，内容为:签证、签证、旅游、影响、安全。Melalui beberapa klai putusan kebijakan tersebut memberikan kebebasan pada 169 negara yang ingin melakukan kunjungan wisata(印度尼西亚)。Dalam perjalanan implementasi dari kebijakan tersebut terdapat bebrapa hal yang memukebijakan tersebut perlu untuk untuk dikaji kembali。彭巴桑签证签证，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说。印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼国家旅游局局长，印尼旅游局局长。Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali informis mengeni seberjana jauman keamanan Yang diperoleh sebagai implikasi dari kebijanan penpenbasan visa tersebagi dalam kejahatan transnasional, kerusakan ekologi danekonomi。Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Visa, Wisata, Implikasi, Keamanan
{"title":"Kebijakan Pembebasan Visa Kunjungan Wisata Indonesia dan Ancaman Keamanan","authors":"Seftina Kuswardini, Harits Dwi Wiratma","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.4617","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract \u0000The government policy contained in Presidential Regulation Number 21 of 2016 contains the exemption of tourist visit visas for foreign tourists in an effort to increase state revenue through the tourism sector. Through several cases, the policy decision gave freedom to 169 countries wishing to make tourist visits to Indonesia. In the course of implementing the policy, there are several things that make this policy necessary to be reviewed. The exemption of tourist visas, which is expected to contribute the largest foreign exchange to the country, has not only succeeded in increasing state revenue but also has increased the threat to state security in several sectors. Given that Indonesia provides opportunities for foreign tourists to enter Indonesian territory easily, the government should carry out socialization and coordination with all national sectors as a form of preparation for the surge in foreign tourists. This study aims to explore information regarding the extent to which the security threats obtained as an implication of the visa exemption policy are divided into transnational crimes, ecological and economic damage. \u0000Keywords: Policy, Visa, Tourism, Implications, Security \u0000 \u0000Abstrak \u0000Kebijakan pemerintah yang tertuang dalam Peraturan Presiden Nomor 21 Tahun 2016 berisi tentang pembebasan visa kunjungan wisata untuk turis manacanegara dalam upaya meningkatkan pendapatan negara mellaui sektor pariwisata. Melalui beberapa klai putusan kebijakan tersebut memberikan kebebasan pada 169 negara yang ingin melakukan kunjungan wisata ke Indonesia. Dalam perjalanan implementasi dari kebijakan tersebut terdapat bebrapa hal yang membuat kebijakan tersebut perlu untuk untuk dikaji kembali. Pembebasan visa wisata yang diharapkan dapat menyumbang devisa negara terbesar tidak hanya berhasil menambah pendapatan negara namun juga menambah ancaman keamanan negara pada beberapa sektor. Mengingat bahwa Indonesia memberikan kesempatan wisatawan asing untuk dapat masuk ke wilayah Indonesia dengan mudah maka seharusnya pemerintah melakukan sosialisasi dan koordinasi dengan seluruh sektor nasional sebagai bentuk persiapan menghadapi lonjakan wisatawan asing. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali informais mengenai seberapa jauh ancaman keamanan yang diperoleh sebagai implikasi dari kebijakan pembebasan visa tersebut terbagi dalam kejahatan transnasional, kerusakan ekologi dan ekonomi. \u0000Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Visa, Wisata, Implikasi, Keamanan","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128952928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-03DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.3854
Haryo Prasodjo, Najamuddin Khairur Rijal
In 2015, Japan had to step down when Indonesia chose China in the 142.3 km Jakarta-Bandung fast train project. In 2016, the Government of Indonesia held a meeting with the Government of Japan, to discuss a project to continue the fast train, with the Jakarta-Surabaya route. Interestingly, the Jakarta-Surabaya fast train project was carried out directly without going through a tender process like the Jakarta-Bandung fast train project. Using an empirical rationality theory approach, this paper seeks to look at several factors behind the Indonesian government's policy of choosing Japan in the Jakarta-Surabaya semi-fast train project. Several aspects that will be examined in this research are, first, conditions and situations in Indonesia that require decision making. Second, Japan's commitment to Indonesia and the capacity and capability of Japan's fast train technology. Third, the various benefits obtained by Indonesia from the cooperation of the semi-fast train with Japan.
{"title":"Analisis Kebijakan Indonesia Bekerja Sama dengan Jepang dalam Proyek Kereta Cepat Jakarta-Surabaya","authors":"Haryo Prasodjo, Najamuddin Khairur Rijal","doi":"10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.3854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.3854","url":null,"abstract":"In 2015, Japan had to step down when Indonesia chose China in the 142.3 km Jakarta-Bandung fast train project. In 2016, the Government of Indonesia held a meeting with the Government of Japan, to discuss a project to continue the fast train, with the Jakarta-Surabaya route. Interestingly, the Jakarta-Surabaya fast train project was carried out directly without going through a tender process like the Jakarta-Bandung fast train project. Using an empirical rationality theory approach, this paper seeks to look at several factors behind the Indonesian government's policy of choosing Japan in the Jakarta-Surabaya semi-fast train project. Several aspects that will be examined in this research are, first, conditions and situations in Indonesia that require decision making. Second, Japan's commitment to Indonesia and the capacity and capability of Japan's fast train technology. Third, the various benefits obtained by Indonesia from the cooperation of the semi-fast train with Japan.","PeriodicalId":365464,"journal":{"name":"Insignia: Journal of International Relations","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124761822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-18DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2021.8.2.3528
A. Muhammad, Muhammad F. Athifi
Artikel ini menjelaskan mengenai dampak sanksi Uni Eropa terhadap Rusia setelah tindakan aneksasi Krimea pada tahun 2014. Uni Eropa dan Amerika Serikat mengutuk tindakan ilegal tersebut dan mencoba menekan Rusia untuk meninggalkan Krimea dan memenuhi semua tuntutan tanpa syarat. Sanksi tersebut termasuk larangan penyediaan teknologi untuk eksplorasi minyak dan gas, larangan pemberian kredit kepada perusahaan minyak Rusia dan bank-bank negara, serta pembatasan perjalanan terhadap warga Rusia berpengaruh yang dekat dengan Presiden Putin dan terlibat dalam pencaplokan Krimea. Apa konsekuensi sanksi Barat terhadap Hubungan Internasional Rusia? Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dan didukung oleh data sekunder dari buku, jurnal serta berbagai data valid dari internet, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa sanksi tersebut sangat memukul perekonomian Rusia. Namun, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa alih-alih melemahkan kekuatan Rusia, sanksi Barat justru memperkuat posisi strategis Rusia. Sanksi tersebut. Kondisi tersebut justru memperkuat hubungan ekonomi dan militer Rusia dengan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok. Rusia dan Tiongkok adalah kekuatan besar dalam politik dunia kontemporer. Penguatan hubungan strategis antara dua kekuatan besar tersebut memiliki dampak strategis terhadap politik dunia dewasa ini. Kata kunci: Krimea, great power, Rusia, sanksi, Tiongkok
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