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Humanitarian Action of United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in Jayapura During the Covid-19 Pandemic 2019冠状病毒病大流行期间联合国儿童基金会在查亚普拉的人道主义行动
Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2023.10.1.7375
C. C. Renyoet, Made Selly Dwi Suryanti, M. Z. Muttaqin
The issue of humanitarianism in international relations is a vital topic to probe deeper. Activist groups, individuals, and institutionalized groups or organizations, such as the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), have been carrying out humanitarian actions in Papua. UNICEF has been around for a long time in Papua, running several programs, including children's education program in Papua. However, education in Papua remains relatively low due to high rates of illiteracy and school dropouts, and poor literacy. This research explains that international organizations working in the humanitarian field can carry out the basic principles of humanitarianism, specifically, how UNICEF's programs adhere to these principles during the Covid-19 era. Direct interviews and secondary data collection were conducted in this qualitative descriptive research. The results show that UNICEF, as an international humanitarian organization, managed to uphold four basic principles in carrying out its role, particularly in improving the quality of education in Jayapura City. However, the Covid-19 pandemic has posed such obstacles to UNICEF related to donors, program implementation, and personnel that the practiced humanitarian principles became blurred and somewhat questionable. While the best practice promotes faithful adherence to the basic principles of humanity, it is undeniable that almost all organizations cannot exist without assistance from third parties which would ignore the principle of impartiality. Keywords: Covid-19, education, humanitarianism, Jayapura, UNICEF
国际关系中的人道主义问题是一个值得深入探讨的重要课题。积极分子团体、个人和制度化团体或组织,如联合国国际儿童紧急基金(儿童基金会),一直在巴布亚开展人道主义行动。联合国儿童基金会在巴布亚工作了很长时间,开展了几个项目,包括巴布亚的儿童教育项目。然而,由于文盲率和辍学率高,以及识字率低,巴布亚的教育仍然相对较低。这项研究解释了在人道主义领域工作的国际组织可以执行人道主义的基本原则,特别是联合国儿童基金会的项目在新冠疫情时期如何坚持这些原则。本定性描述性研究采用直接访谈和二手数据收集。结果表明,儿童基金会作为一个国际人道主义组织,在执行其作用时,特别是在改善查亚普拉市的教育质量方面,设法坚持了四项基本原则。然而,Covid-19大流行给联合国儿童基金会带来了与捐助者、方案实施和人员有关的障碍,使实践的人道主义原则变得模糊,甚至有些可疑。虽然最佳做法促进忠实地遵守人道的基本原则,但不可否认的是,如果没有第三方的帮助,几乎所有组织都无法存在,因为这些第三方将无视公正原则。关键词:新冠肺炎,教育,人道主义,查亚普拉,联合国儿童基金会
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引用次数: 0
Analyzing the Rationality of Ethiopia in Dealing with China’s Support in Infrastructure Development 浅析埃塞俄比亚应对中国支持基础设施建设的合理性
Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2023.10.1.7493
Ahda Ayudia Hairisa, Muhammad Farid
This article analyzes the rationality of Ethiopia in cooperating with China in restoring the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway project using rational choice theory in foreign policy making. Despite having several alternative ports and other parties to support the project, Ethiopia has chosen the fund from China to support its railway project. The similarity between China and Ethiopia regarding political values is one of the factors in choosing China to work with. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) seems to be unapproachable by Western political values that are influenced by the internal condition of the state and tend to emphasize democracy. Therefore, it tends to work with China. Other than that, depending on Djibouti’s port as the most viable seaport in the region to access the sea as a landlocked country has driven Ethiopia to restore the railway as quickly as possible. By considering the Chinese loan system, which did not have many qualifications to lend money, Ethiopia could quickly restore the railway and not miss out on the opportunity to grow its trade through developing its infrastructure. Keywords: African infrastructure development, China’s loan, China in Africa, rational choice
本文运用理性选择理论分析了埃塞俄比亚与中国合作修复亚的斯亚贝巴-吉布提铁路项目的合理性。尽管有几个可供选择的港口和其他各方来支持该项目,埃塞俄比亚还是选择了来自中国的资金来支持其铁路项目。中国和埃塞俄比亚在政治价值观上的相似之处是他们选择与中国合作的因素之一。埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线(EPRDF)似乎是西方政治价值观所无法接近的,这些价值观受国家内部条件的影响,往往强调民主。因此,它倾向于与中国合作。除此之外,作为一个内陆国家,依靠吉布提的港口作为该地区最可行的出海口,促使埃塞俄比亚尽快恢复铁路。考虑到中国的贷款体系,埃塞俄比亚可以迅速恢复铁路,而不会错过通过发展基础设施来增长贸易的机会。中国的贷款体系没有很多贷款条件。关键词:非洲基础设施建设,中国贷款,中国在非洲,理性选择
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引用次数: 0
U.S. Economic Diplomacy towards Japan in Resolving Beef Tariff Barriers 解决牛肉关税壁垒的美国对日经济外交
Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2023.10.1.6852
Andrea Gladys Gabriella, Shanti Darmastuti, Wiwiek Rukmi Dwi Astuti
The United States (US) is one of beef exporting countries in Japan. The high level of demand for beef in Japan was followed by a decrease in the volume of US beef from Japan during 2017-2020 period caused by import barriers in the form of tariffs faced by US beef. These tariff barriers arise because the US does not have a trade agreement with Japan. This study aims to discuss the efforts made by the US through negotiating tariff barriers with Japan regarding beef exports. This study uses the concepts of economic diplomacy and trade theory as the basis for research analysis. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative with data collection through documentation study. The results of this study indicate that the US effort in negotiating tariff barriers with Japan is to form a bilateral trade agreement, namely the US-Japan Trade Agreement (USJTA) which uses the stages of decision-making in economic diplomacy in its formation. Through this effort, the US successfully lowered its beef import tariffs in Japan and leveled its beef competitive level with the CPTPP member countries. In the formation of the USJTA, various actors are involved, both state and non-state actors. Efforts to negotiate tariff barriers on beef exports by the US and Japan succeeded in increasing US beef exports after the establishment of the USJTA began to be implemented on January 1, 2020. Keywords: economic diplomacy, export, tariff barriers, United States
美国是日本的牛肉出口国之一。在日本对牛肉的高需求之后,由于美国牛肉面临关税形式的进口壁垒,2017-2020年期间从日本进口的美国牛肉数量减少。这些关税壁垒之所以出现,是因为美国与日本没有贸易协定。本研究旨在探讨美国通过与日本就牛肉出口进行关税壁垒谈判所做的努力。本研究以经济外交和贸易理论的概念作为研究分析的基础。本研究采用的研究方法是描述性定性研究,通过文献研究法收集数据。本研究结果表明,美国与日本进行关税壁垒谈判的目的是形成双边贸易协定,即美日贸易协定(US -Japan trade agreement, USJTA),其形成过程中运用了经济外交决策阶段。通过这一努力,美国成功降低了在日本的牛肉进口关税,使其牛肉与CPTPP成员国的竞争水平持平。在USJTA的形成过程中,涉及到各种行为体,包括国家行为体和非国家行为体。自2020年1月1日开始实施USJTA后,美国和日本就牛肉出口关税壁垒进行的谈判取得了成功,增加了美国牛肉的出口。关键词:经济外交;出口;关税壁垒
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引用次数: 0
The ILO's Role in Fulfilling Garment Workers' Rights through the BWB II Program After the Rana Plaza Collapse 拉纳广场倒塌后,国际劳工组织通过BWB II项目在实现服装工人权利方面的作用
Pub Date : 2023-04-16 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2023.10.1.7155
Heren Budi Mulia Kusmawan, Resa Rasyidah
The collapse of the Rana Plaza building in Bangladesh on April 24, 2013, was recorded as the worst industrial accident ever. This accident killed at least 1,132 and injured more than 2,500. This incident made the world aware of the poor working conditions in Bangladesh's garment industry sector. In addition, many workers do not even get their working rights, so there are actions or demonstrations carried out by workers, demanding their rights. The demonstration even received support from activists or outsiders???. Bangladesh is a developing country with the second largest textile exporter after China. Bangladesh's garment industry accounts for about 80 percent of the total revenue in the country's manufacturing sector. This study discusses the role of the International Labor Organizations (ILO) in fulfilling the rights of garment workers through the Better Work Bangladesh (BWB) program after the collapse of Rana Plaza. To explain this case, the author uses the role theory of international organizations by Kelly Kate S. Pease. According to Pease, state problems can be solved with the help of external parties by acting as problem solvers, collective art mechanisms, capacity builders, and aid providers. Research shows that the ILO has an effective role in fulfilling the rights of Bangladeshi garment workers through the Better Work Bangladesh Phase II Program, in creating better or more prosperous labor conditions by cooperating with several internal and external parties. Keywords: Better Work Bangladesh (BWB), labor, garment, ILO
2013年4月24日,孟加拉国拉纳广场大楼倒塌,被记录为有史以来最严重的工业事故。这起事故造成至少1132人死亡,2500多人受伤。这一事件使世界意识到孟加拉国服装工业部门恶劣的工作条件。此外,许多工人甚至没有得到他们的工作权利,所以有工人采取行动或示威,要求他们的权利。示威活动甚至得到了活动人士或局外人的支持。孟加拉国是一个发展中国家,是仅次于中国的第二大纺织品出口国。孟加拉国的服装业约占该国制造业总收入的80%。本研究探讨了国际劳工组织(ILO)在拉纳广场倒塌后通过改善孟加拉工作(BWB)计划实现服装工人权利方面的作用。为了解释这一案例,作者使用了Kelly Kate S. Pease的国际组织角色理论。根据皮斯的说法,国家问题可以通过充当问题解决者、集体艺术机制、能力建设者和援助提供者的外部各方的帮助来解决。研究表明,国际劳工组织在实现孟加拉国服装工人的权利方面发挥了有效的作用,通过改善孟加拉国工作第二阶段计划,通过与几个内部和外部各方合作,创造更好或更繁荣的劳动条件。关键词:孟加拉更好的工作(BWB),劳工,服装,国际劳工组织
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引用次数: 0
Caught Between Great Powers: Oman’s Neutrality in the Saudi-Iran Rivalry 夹在大国之间:阿曼在沙特-伊朗对抗中的中立
Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2023.10.1.7792
Maulana Ammar Auliaur Rahman
This article aims to explain the reason for Oman’s neutrality policy amid Saudi-Iran growing tension in the region. The neutral stance from Oman raised some questions about their position as a part of the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that, if following the logic of consequences, should take sides with Saudi, and put pressure on Iran due to Saudi presence in the group. Oman always promotes peace and tends to avoid confrontation when facing Saudi-Iran rivalry. By implementing explanative methods and a constructivism paradigm based on norms as a tool of analysis, and supported with secondary data, this article found out that Oman’s neutrality decision in the Saudi-Iran rivalry is largely being influenced by their domestic norms, that is Ibadism, that made them capable to avoid conflict in the region, in this case, the Saudi-Iran rivalry. Ibadism also drives them to always promote peace in the region, because this teaching is based on four main ideas, namely tolerance, just rule, acceptance of the other, and peaceful compromises. In the end, this domestic norm influenced Oman’s decision-maker’s conception of the importance of preserving stability in the region. This then becomes an important explanation about why Oman breaks with their fellow GCC members that tend to support Saudi in the rivalry with Iran and decided to follow neutrality as their main policy. Keywords: domestic norms, Ibadism, neutrality, Oman, Saudi-Iran rivalry
本文旨在解释在沙特和伊朗在该地区日益紧张的情况下,阿曼采取中立政策的原因。阿曼的中立立场引发了人们对其作为海湾合作委员会(GCC)成员的立场的质疑,如果遵循后果的逻辑,它应该站在沙特一边,并因沙特在该组织的存在而向伊朗施加压力。面对沙特和伊朗的竞争,阿曼总是提倡和平,并倾向于避免对抗。通过实施解释方法和基于规范作为分析工具的建构主义范式,并以二手数据为支持,本文发现阿曼在沙特-伊朗竞争中的中立决定在很大程度上受到其国内规范的影响,即伊巴德主义,这使他们能够避免该地区的冲突,在这种情况下,沙特-伊朗竞争。伊斯兰教还驱使他们始终促进该地区的和平,因为这种教义基于四个主要思想,即宽容、公正统治、接纳他人以及和平妥协。最后,这一国内规范影响了阿曼决策者对维护该地区稳定重要性的看法。这就解释了为什么阿曼与海湾合作委员会的其他成员国决裂,这些成员国倾向于在与伊朗的竞争中支持沙特,并决定以中立为主要政策。关键词:国内规范、伊拉克主义、中立、阿曼、沙特-伊朗竞争
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引用次数: 0
Bureaucratic Cooptation in Program Evaluation: A Comparation Case in Indonesia and South Korea 项目评估中的官僚合作:印尼与韩国的比较案例
Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6317
Niken Paramarti Dasuki, Sukarso Sukarso
Abstract The research about government program evaluation mostly uses an impact assessment, but this research would be using a meta-evaluation approach. The proposed research question is how the local government of Indonesia or the local bureaucracy evaluated their programs compared to South Korea. The method in this research is a comparative study between Indonesia dan South Korea, with data analysis from relevant documents. The result of the research proved that the evaluation patterns between programs seem similar. Both evaluation activities in South Korea and Indonesia tend to be dominated by their own bureaucracy; the difference is South Korea used to conceptualize activities while Indonesia does not. The evaluation activities only did the formalism part such as focusing on formal aspects than the aims of the program itself. Keywords:  bureaucratic cooptation; evaluation; formalism; routine works Abstrak Berbeda dengan kebanyakan riset terkait evaluasi program pemerintah yang menggunakan penilaian dampak, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan meta-evaluation. Rumusan masalah yang diajukan adalah bagaimana pemerintah lokal di Indonesia atau birokrasi lokal melakukan evaluasi terhadap programnya. Metode yang akan digunakan untuk menjelaskan adalah pendekatan studi komparasi, dengan pengambilan data dari analisis dokumen-dokumen yang relevan dengan topik yang diambil. Hasil dari penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa pola evaluasi antar program cenderung mirip. Baik di Korea Selatan maupun Indonesia, aktivitas evaluasi cenderung didominasi oleh birokrasi; perbedaannya adalah di Korea Selatan lebih cenderung terkonseptualisasi namun di Indonesia cenderung tidak akurat. Aktivitas evaluasi hanya dilakukan sebagai formalitas dengan aspek-aspek formal dari program tersebut dibandingkan benar-benar melakukan evaluasi terhadap tujuan dari program terkait.
摘要政府项目评价的研究多采用影响评价方法,但本研究将采用元评价方法。提出的研究问题是印度尼西亚的地方政府或地方官僚机构与韩国相比如何评估他们的项目。本研究的方法是印度尼西亚和韩国的比较研究,并从相关文献中进行数据分析。研究结果表明,项目间的评价模式具有相似性。韩国和印度尼西亚的评估活动都倾向于由本国的官僚机构主导;不同之处在于,韩国习惯于将活动概念化,而印度尼西亚则没有。评估活动只做了形式主义的部分,如关注形式方面,而不是项目本身的目标。关键词:官僚合作;评估;形式主义;摘要Berbeda dengan kebanyakan riset terkaan评价程序peremerintah yang menggunakan penilaian dampak, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan元评价。Rumusan masalah yang diajukan adalah bagaimana peremerintah地方di印度尼西亚atau birokrasi地方melakukan评估计划。数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析,数据分析。Hasil - dari penpentitian是一名印度裔美国人,他说:“我认为这是一项非常重要的计划。”韩国银行(韩国),印度尼西亚(韩国);perbedaannya adalah di Korea Selatan lebih cenderung terkonseptualalisasi namun di Indonesia cenderung tidak akurat。Aktivitas evaluashanya dilakukan sebagai formalitas dengan aspek-aspek - aspek-aspek -aspek -benar melakukan evaluashap tujuan dari program terkait。
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引用次数: 0
The Effect of Samsung Electronics' Expansion to India on the South Korean Economy in 2017-2021 《2017-2021年三星电子进军印度对韩国经济的影响
Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6473
Belina Averin Sebastian, Ganjar Widhiyoga, U. Dewi
Samsung is the largest multinational company in South Korea that has successfully expanded to various countries. India is the second largest technology market after China which is a new market in the Asian continent. Currently, India is being targeted by many world technology companies to market their products in the South Asian region, so this is an opportunity for Samsung to enter and expand in India. Samsung, which has successfully entered India, is always innovating in creating and developing pre-owned technology products to increase sales of its products. This also affects the South Korean economy, where with the expansion carried out by Samsung, the South Korean economy has experienced significant growth in terms of the increase in GDP every year which is the focus of this research. This study uses quantitative methods with descriptive statistical analysis methods by providing additional data in the form of graphs. Samsung's successful expansion to India is marked by investments in the construction of new manufacturing plants in the Noida area, Uttar-Pradesh, and sales of Samsung products in India are the second largest with average avenue is 700 billion INR. These results also affect the economic position of South Korea so that it becomes a country that has a fairly strong position in the field of technological development. The conclusion of this study is that Samsung brought South Korea to be part of the category of developed countries in the world with significant GDP growth every year from the period 2017-2021.
三星是韩国最大的跨国公司,成功地向多个国家扩张。印度是仅次于中国的第二大技术市场,中国是亚洲大陆的一个新市场。目前,印度是许多世界科技公司在南亚地区推销其产品的目标,因此这是三星进入印度并在印度扩张的机会。成功进入印度市场的三星电子一直在创造和开发二手技术产品,以提高产品的销量。这也影响了韩国经济,随着三星的扩张,韩国经济每年的GDP增长都有显著的增长,这是本研究的重点。本研究采用定量方法和描述性统计分析方法,以图表形式提供附加数据。三星电子在印度北部的诺伊达地区投资建设了新的制造工厂,在印度的销售额平均达到7000亿卢比,位居世界第二。这些结果也影响了韩国的经济地位,使其成为一个在技术发展领域具有相当强大地位的国家。该研究的结论是,三星将韩国从2017年至2021年每年的GDP大幅增长带入了世界发达国家的行列。
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引用次数: 0
Korean Wave Issue as A Soft Power Strategy in Taiwanese Presidential Election 2016
Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6817
Raaf Bezkarannu, A. Soetjipto
AbstractBoth state and non-state actors need the power to influence others to achieve their desired goals. Soft power isoften used by state or non-state actors to attracts the attention of others without using coercive actions to achievethe desired goals. This strategy has been widely used in various cases, including in the issue of China and Taiwan,especially in the "Taiwan Flag" incident involving Tzuyu, a K-Pop artist who declared herself a Taiwanese andcarried the Taiwan flag on a South Korean television program. This incident was later brought up by Tsai Ingwen, a politician from Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to cooperate with the Taiwanese people against Chinain the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election. This article will discuss how Tsai Ing-wen and the people of Taiwan usedKorean wave as a soft power strategy in the 2016 Taiwan Presidential Election to “fight” against China. Thosegave positive results due to the similarity of political values believed by Taiwan and carried by the Korean wave,as well as the goals shared by Tsai Ing-wen and people of Taiwan, thereby defeated the pro-China Kuomintang(KMT) party in the election.Keywords: Soft Power, Taiwan, China, Korean Wave, Taiwan Presidential Election 2016, Taiwan Flag IncidentAbstrakBaik aktor negara maupun non-negara memerlukan kekuatan untuk mempengaruhi pihak lain agar tujuan yangdiinginkan dapat tercapai. Salah satunya adalah soft power yang mengedepankan upaya menarik perhatianpihak lain tanpa menggunakan tindakan koersif untuk mencapai tujuan yang diinginkan. Implementasi strategitersebut telah banyak dimanfaatkan dalam berbagai kasus, salah satunya dalam isu China dan Taiwan dalam the“Waving Taiwan Flag” incident yang melibatkan Tzuyu yang merupakan artis K-Pop yang mendeklarasikan dirisebagai warga negara Taiwan serta membawa bendera Taiwan dalam salah satu program televisi di KoreaSelatan. Insiden tersebut kemudian diangkat oleh Tsai Ing-wen, seorang politisi dari Democratic ProgressiveParty (DPP) untuk bekerja sama dengan masyarakat Taiwan untuk melawan China dalam Taiwan PresidentialElection 2016. Artikel ini membahas bagaimana Tsai Ing-wen dan masyarakat Taiwan memanfaatkan isu Koreanwave sebagai strategi soft power dalam Taiwan Presidential Election 2016 untuk “melawan” kampanye pro Chinayang disuarakan oleh KMT. Implementasi isu Korean wave sebagai strategi soft power dalam Taiwan PresidentialElection 2016 memberikan hasil positif dan ikut mempengaruhi kemenangan Tsai Ing-wen dalam pemilu diTaiwan di tahun 2016.Kata Kunci: Soft Power, Taiwan, China, Korean Wave, Pemilu Presiden Taiwan 2016, Insiden Bendera Taiwan
摘要国家和非国家行为体都需要影响他人以实现其预期目标的权力。软实力通常被国家或非国家行为体用来吸引他人的注意,而不使用强制行动来实现预期目标。这种策略被广泛应用于各种案件中,包括中国和台湾问题,尤其是涉及子瑜的“台湾国旗”事件。子瑜是一名韩国流行歌手,她宣称自己是台湾人,并在韩国一档电视节目中举着台湾国旗。由于台湾所信奉的政治价值观与韩流所承载的政治价值观的相似性,以及蔡英文和台湾人民的共同目标,这些人都给出了积极的结果,从而在选举中击败了亲中国的国民党。Salah satunya adalah软实力yang mengedepankan upaya menarik perhatianpihak lain tanpa menggunakan tindakan koeras mentuk menapi tujuan yang diinginkan。实施战略的人,但是台湾的人,但是台湾的人,中国和台湾的人,“挥舞台湾国旗”事件杨melitbatkan子瑜杨merupakan艺人K-Pop杨mendeklaraskan dirisebagai warga negara台湾的人,本台的人,台湾dalam salah satu节目televisi di KoreaSelatan。韩流战略软实力dalam台湾2016年总统大选,以“melawan”为主题,亲中国,亲中国,亲中国,亲国民党。实施韩流战略软实力大连台湾2016年总统大选蔡英文大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连大连Kata Kunci:软实力,台湾,中国,韩流,Pemilu总统台湾2016,inside Bendera台湾
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Bilateral: The Constitutive Dimensions of Strategic Partnership between Japan and Thailand 超越双边:日本与泰国战略伙伴关系的构成维度
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6823
Salsabila Nurul Falah, Muhammad Sigit Andhi Rahman
This article discusses bilateral state cooperation that was developed, with the agreement of both states, into a more comprehensive and long-term partnership, known as a Strategic Partnership. The dynamics in the bilateral relationship between these states, then become an attraction to further analyze the Japan-Thailand strategic partnership. The focus in this article is on the function of the strategic partnership, the roles of the two actors, and viewing it in a constitutive dimension. The author uses qualitative research using primary and secondary data in analyzing. The relationship and interactions between Japan and Thailand are analyzed on three levels: international, bilateral and individual, using the concept of strategic partnership as a social interaction between global actors and the role-playing that occurs. By observing from the perspective of both actors, the authors argue that the strategic partnership agreed upon by Japan and Thailand acts as an agency that facilitates self-conception to maintain their position, status and role in the international system.
本文讨论了双边国家合作,在两国的同意下,发展成为一种更全面和长期的伙伴关系,即战略伙伴关系。这些国家之间的双边关系的动态,进而成为进一步分析日泰战略伙伴关系的吸引力。本文的重点是战略伙伴关系的功能,两个参与者的角色,并从一个构成维度来看待它。作者采用定性研究方法,结合一手资料和第二手资料进行分析。日本和泰国之间的关系和互动在三个层面上进行了分析:国际、双边和个人,使用战略伙伴关系的概念作为全球行动者之间的社会互动和角色扮演。作者从两个行动者的角度观察,认为日本和泰国商定的战略伙伴关系是一个促进自我概念的机构,以维持其在国际体系中的地位、地位和作用。
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引用次数: 0
Country Revitalization: Japan’s Nation Branding Post 3/11 Disaster Performed in the Tokyo Olympics 2020 国家振兴:日本在3/11灾难后的国家品牌塑造在2020年东京奥运会上上演
Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2022.9.2.6824
Kiki Widya Febrianti, Hamdan Nafiatur Rosyida
Abstract In 2011, Japan was hit by a series of major disasters, from an earthquake and tsunami that struck the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) reactor. Its incident caused Japan to suffer various damage from the economic, health, and environmental sectors, including the emergence of negative stereotypes at the global level. Therefore, Japan was chosen as the host country of the Tokyo Olympics 2020 sports event, and being used to restore Japan’s image in the international area. This study aims to analyze the forms of Japanese national branding after the 3/11 disaster through the Tokyo Olympics 2020. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method. This study uses the concept of soft power and nation branding according, to Keith Dinnie, related to the stages of nation branding in the form of nation-brand identity, communicators of nation-brand identity, and nation-brand image. The results show that Fukushima as a territory promoted in the Tokyo Olympics through several reconstructed facilities to its natural products and culture. Although Fukushima is starting to show a positive image in the international community, Japan’s national branding still requires several challenges.  Keywords: Fukushima nuclear disaster, Japan’s revitalization, nation branding, Tokyo Olympics 2020
2011年,日本遭受了一系列重大灾难,包括地震和海啸袭击了福岛第一核电站(NPP)的反应堆。这一事件使日本遭受了经济、卫生和环境部门的各种损害,包括在全球一级出现了消极的陈规定型观念。因此,日本被选为2020年东京奥运会的主办国,并被用来恢复日本在国际上的形象。本研究旨在通过2020年东京奥运会来分析311灾难后日本国家品牌塑造的形式。本研究采用定性描述方法。本研究采用了软实力和国家品牌的概念,根据Keith Dinnie,涉及到国家品牌的阶段,以国家品牌认同的形式,国家品牌认同的传播者,和国家品牌形象。结果表明,福岛作为东京奥运会的一个地区,通过几个重建的设施来推广其天然产品和文化。尽管福岛核电站在国际社会中开始展现出积极的形象,但日本的国家品牌推广仍需要面临一些挑战。关键词:福岛核灾难,日本振兴,民族品牌,2020年东京奥运会
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Insignia: Journal of International Relations
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