Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.47-61
Gábor Tolcsvai Nagy
The notion of ‘indigenous’ as described in international regulations and resolutions is adjusted to the situation of the Hungarian language community in the Carpathian Basin, with special reference to the Hungarian minorities in the countries along the Hungarian border. The regional communities of the Hungarian minorities beyond the borders should be seen indigenous groups since 1920, with the flexible semantic extension of ‘indigenousness’. Significant parts of the Hungarian language community were annexed to the newly formed non-Hungarian states. The then new state borders cut through natural geographic, and mostly homogenous Hungarian ethnic, ethnographic, regional cultural and dialectal territories. Those left behind the borders became indigenous, while staying on their homeland. This interpretation is based on the linguistic and cultural features of the minorities in question, to point to the human side of their historical developments and present state.
{"title":"The Indigenous Status of the Hungarian Language Community in the Carpathian Basin : A Historical and Contemporary Interpretation.","authors":"Gábor Tolcsvai Nagy","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.47-61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.47-61","url":null,"abstract":"The notion of ‘indigenous’ as described in international regulations and resolutions is adjusted to the situation of the Hungarian language community in the Carpathian Basin, with special reference to the Hungarian minorities in the countries along the Hungarian border. The regional communities of the Hungarian minorities beyond the borders should be seen indigenous groups since 1920, with the flexible semantic extension of ‘indigenousness’. Significant parts of the Hungarian language community were annexed to the newly formed non-Hungarian states. The then new state borders cut through natural geographic, and mostly homogenous Hungarian ethnic, ethnographic, regional cultural and dialectal territories. Those left behind the borders became indigenous, while staying on their homeland. This interpretation is based on the linguistic and cultural features of the minorities in question, to point to the human side of their historical developments and present state.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130090946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.143-168
A. Fodor
Sharing the same language, culture, and except for the last hundred years, history, Albania and Kosovo are closely tied to each other. With common symbols, history, and geography, the two states have had to build new ways of cooperation in the new millennium, especially in the field of transportation, energy, and tourism. The two societies keep each other in high esteem, there is a social will for further cooperation, as well as a common commitment to European integration, which is even preferred over national integration, as it is obvious that in the twenty-first century it is the European Union that can offer a national union for Albanian people.
{"title":"Albania and Kosovo – Common Ties, Common Issues","authors":"A. Fodor","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.143-168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.143-168","url":null,"abstract":"Sharing the same language, culture, and except for the last hundred years, history, Albania and Kosovo are closely tied to each other. With common symbols, history, and geography, the two states have had to build new ways of cooperation in the new millennium, especially in the field of transportation, energy, and tourism. The two societies keep each other in high esteem, there is a social will for further cooperation, as well as a common commitment to European integration, which is even preferred over national integration, as it is obvious that in the twenty-first century it is the European Union that can offer a national union for Albanian people.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"154 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117113103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.30-52
Hitoshi Suzuki
The aim of this paper is to review the current standing of Japanese-Visegrád-4 (V4, with Poland, Hungary, The Czech Republic, and Slovakia) relations within the context of the Japan-European Union (EU) Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) and the Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA). After looking into statistics of trade and facts between Japan, the V4, and the EU, we will list possibilities for expansion of V4 exports to Japan and provide some starting points for further necessary surveys/research in the issue.
{"title":"EU – Japan Economic Partnership Agreement: benefits for the Visegrád Countries","authors":"Hitoshi Suzuki","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.30-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.30-52","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to review the current standing of Japanese-Visegrád-4 (V4, with Poland, Hungary, The Czech Republic, and Slovakia) relations within the context of the Japan-European Union (EU) Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) and the Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA). After looking into statistics of trade and facts between Japan, the V4, and the EU, we will list possibilities for expansion of V4 exports to Japan and provide some starting points for further necessary surveys/research in the issue.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122923408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.45-56
J. Hasić
There have been many recurring initiatives for an alternative EU-oriented enlargement process that could provide the Western Balkan region with a credible EU perspective. Several models have been developed conceptually and discussed in a variety of academic, policy and political spheres as potential replacements for the conventional EU model employed in the previous expansion waves. The majority of the proposed alternative models for EU accession of the Western Balkans are non-invasive in nature and essentially align with the one used in the past enlargement waves. Each new proposal adds a differentiated value to the current model, and typically highlights the significance of candidate states’ reform agendas based on the Copenhagen criteria, but with some flexible, specifically targeted, and/or phased approaches to the accession process designed to eliminate the ever-intensifying “integrational fatigue”. This essay intends to purposefully “radicalize” the ongoing discussions on the Western Balkans’ weariness towards the current EU’s enlargement policy by offering a new approach to the normative reconceptualization of the entire process. The model advocated in this essay proposes a “merger and acquisition” (M&A) design as a substitute for the so-called “accreditation-based” integration methodology the EU is presently using in its current enlargement strategy. The proposed model fundamentally questions the democratic essence of the approach that drives the ongoing EU enlargement procedures, reshapes the existing debates on alternative methodologies, and questions some of their fundamental ontological dimensions.
{"title":"The EU’s Enlargement Strategy at a Crossroads? Redirecting the Debate Toward Acquisition-based Integrative Models","authors":"J. Hasić","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.45-56","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.45-56","url":null,"abstract":"There have been many recurring initiatives for an alternative EU-oriented enlargement process that could provide the Western Balkan region with a credible EU perspective. Several models have been developed conceptually and discussed in a variety of academic, policy and political spheres as potential replacements for the conventional EU model employed in the previous expansion waves. The majority of the proposed alternative models for EU accession of the Western Balkans are non-invasive in nature and essentially align with the one used in the past enlargement waves. Each new proposal adds a differentiated value to the current model, and typically highlights the significance of candidate states’ reform agendas based on the Copenhagen criteria, but with some flexible, specifically targeted, and/or phased approaches to the accession process designed to eliminate the ever-intensifying “integrational fatigue”. This essay intends to purposefully “radicalize” the ongoing discussions on the Western Balkans’ weariness towards the current EU’s enlargement policy by offering a new approach to the normative reconceptualization of the entire process. The model advocated in this essay proposes a “merger and acquisition” (M&A) design as a substitute for the so-called “accreditation-based” integration methodology the EU is presently using in its current enlargement strategy. The proposed model fundamentally questions the democratic essence of the approach that drives the ongoing EU enlargement procedures, reshapes the existing debates on alternative methodologies, and questions some of their fundamental ontological dimensions.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"494 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116171142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.111-123
Atsuko Higashino
Japan and the Visegrád Group (V4) have enjoyed stable and problem-free relations. However, Japan’s engagement with the V4 countries has lacked dynamism and robustness in areas such as Japan’s foreign direct investment in the V4 countries and visits by highranking Japanese officials to V4. This paper discusses the asymmetric relations between Japan and V4 from the Japanese perspective, focusing mainly on how and why Japan failed to place more emphasis on strengthening its relations with the V4 countries. Three backgrounds for this situation are identified: the US- and China-centric nature of Japan’s foreign policy, Japan’s large-country focus in its outlook and policies concerning Europe, and Japan’s somewhat outdated self-image as a significant donor and supporter of the Central and Eastern European countries.
{"title":"Japan’s relations with Visegrád 4 (V4) and the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs): Adjusting mismatches?","authors":"Atsuko Higashino","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.111-123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.111-123","url":null,"abstract":"Japan and the Visegrád Group (V4) have enjoyed stable and problem-free relations. However, Japan’s engagement with the V4 countries has lacked dynamism and robustness in areas such as Japan’s foreign direct investment in the V4 countries and visits by highranking Japanese officials to V4. This paper discusses the asymmetric relations between Japan and V4 from the Japanese perspective, focusing mainly on how and why Japan failed to place more emphasis on strengthening its relations with the V4 countries. Three backgrounds for this situation are identified: the US- and China-centric nature of Japan’s foreign policy, Japan’s large-country focus in its outlook and policies concerning Europe, and Japan’s somewhat outdated self-image as a significant donor and supporter of the Central and Eastern European countries.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128141528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.98-110
Ohara Bonji
In this paper, I would like to review the economic activities of China and Korea based on their respective strategies and discuss the future economic activities of Japan, China and Korea in Visegrád countries.. China is expected to increase its investment to strengthen its economic ties with Visegrád countries. In view of the Japanese government’s cooperative posture with the U.S., some Japanese private companies have begun to restructure their supply chains, and Visegrád countries are likely to be attractive to them as important nodes in new supply chains. This is a time when Japan’s economic activities in Visegrád countries may expand. This will lead to a situation where Japan, China, and the ROK are all planning to develop their economic activities in the Visegrád countries.
{"title":"Japan’s Asian Competitors in Visegrád Countries","authors":"Ohara Bonji","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.98-110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.98-110","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I would like to review the economic activities of China and Korea based on their respective strategies and discuss the future economic activities of Japan, China and Korea in Visegrád countries.. China is expected to increase its investment to strengthen its economic ties with Visegrád countries. In view of the Japanese government’s cooperative posture with the U.S., some Japanese private companies have begun to restructure their supply chains, and Visegrád countries are likely to be attractive to them as important nodes in new supply chains. This is a time when Japan’s economic activities in Visegrád countries may expand. This will lead to a situation where Japan, China, and the ROK are all planning to develop their economic activities in the Visegrád countries.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134175610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.197-218
Luis Nasi
The present paper describes the current situation of the electrical energy sector in Albania and Kosovo, introducing the main existing generating facilities, and their most important features and characteristics. The most important projects for new generating facilities are discussed, with their relevance described for both countries. The importance of cooperation between the two countries is analysed and intraday load profiles are depicted, showing why the two energy systems would greatly complement each other. The paper concludes by briefly considering a possible merger of the two generating utility companies.
{"title":"A Review of the Electrical Energy Sector in Albania and Kosovo","authors":"Luis Nasi","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.197-218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.197-218","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper describes the current situation of the electrical energy sector in Albania and Kosovo, introducing the main existing generating facilities, and their most important features and characteristics. The most important projects for new generating facilities are discussed, with their relevance described for both countries. The importance of cooperation between the two countries is analysed and intraday load profiles are depicted, showing why the two energy systems would greatly complement each other. The paper concludes by briefly considering a possible merger of the two generating utility companies.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"49 21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124318410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.85-111
András Málnássy
This paper examines the relationship between Turkey and the countries in Southeastern Europe in terms of complex interdependencies. The study uses Buzan and Waever’s Regional Security Complex Theory as a theoretical framework, in which Southeastern Europe is viewed as a regional security sub-complex. Sectors of interdependence are reviewed and examined in relation to the region, including the military, political, economic, societal, and environmental segments. The study focuses on the economy in more depth and sees it as a sector the development of which can promote and increase not only social welfare but also the stability of the region. In this sector, EU Member States are considered key players with respect to the region, although Turkey may also step up its efforts in the post-Covid period. The EU and Turkey represent two different poles in Southeastern Europe, geographically and economically. Ankara has strong positions mainly in the Balkan countries that are more dependent on Turkey and have significant Muslim minorities.
{"title":"Turkey and Its Northwest Borderland Region: Interdependence Within Southeastern European Relations","authors":"András Málnássy","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.85-111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.85-111","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the relationship between Turkey and the countries in Southeastern Europe in terms of complex interdependencies. The study uses Buzan and Waever’s Regional Security Complex Theory as a theoretical framework, in which Southeastern Europe is viewed as a regional security sub-complex. Sectors of interdependence are reviewed and examined in relation to the region, including the military, political, economic, societal, and environmental segments. The study focuses on the economy in more depth and sees it as a sector the development of which can promote and increase not only social welfare but also the stability of the region. In this sector, EU Member States are considered key players with respect to the region, although Turkey may also step up its efforts in the post-Covid period. The EU and Turkey represent two different poles in Southeastern Europe, geographically and economically. Ankara has strong positions mainly in the Balkan countries that are more dependent on Turkey and have significant Muslim minorities.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"178 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120879886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.67-77
Margit Wunsch Gaarmann
While the European Union (EU) has long considered the Western Balkans its sphere of influence, the growing geopolitical competition from Russia and China has created harmful countercurrents in the region. In order to adequately challenge these, the EU needs to overcome its credibility crisis in the Western Balkans, produced by years of national vetoes and enlargement fatigue in the EU, paired with slow reforms or even democratic backsliding in the region. This situation could be remedied by focusing on Montenegro, which has long been considered the region’s frontrunner in the EU accession process and is already a NATO member. By actively working towards full EU membership for the smallest country in the Western Balkans, the EU would not only be able to fortify its geopolitical role in the region, it could simultaneously create positive momentum, proving that there is indeed a believable path towards EU membership, which remains the most reliable tool to combat destructive influence from Russia and China.
{"title":"Countering Geopolitical Competition in the Western Balkans: the EU, Russia, and China","authors":"Margit Wunsch Gaarmann","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.67-77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.67-77","url":null,"abstract":"While the European Union (EU) has long considered the Western Balkans its sphere of influence, the growing geopolitical competition from Russia and China has created harmful countercurrents in the region. In order to adequately challenge these, the EU needs to overcome its credibility crisis in the Western Balkans, produced by years of national vetoes and enlargement fatigue in the EU, paired with slow reforms or even democratic backsliding in the region. This situation could be remedied by focusing on Montenegro, which has long been considered the region’s frontrunner in the EU accession process and is already a NATO member. By actively working towards full EU membership for the smallest country in the Western Balkans, the EU would not only be able to fortify its geopolitical role in the region, it could simultaneously create positive momentum, proving that there is indeed a believable path towards EU membership, which remains the most reliable tool to combat destructive influence from Russia and China.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126347821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.78-90
Sergiu Mitrescu
The Western Balkans is facing a critical juncture in its energy landscape as it navigates multiple historical developments and geopolitical struggles. The European integration process, which entered a new stage in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine, has put energy at the forefront of the accession process. The push towards renewable energy sources over the past decade has failed to make a significant impact in the Western Balkans, leaving the region with an aging energy infrastructure and in need of an energy revolution. In this context, energy diplomacy is taking centre stage, rubbing against long-established structural and geopolitical path dependencies. The newly found integration impetus, corroborated with the newly embedded energy conditionality in the European Union acquis, has the potential to mobilize the necessary material and immaterial resources for the region to successfully manage transition towards a sustainable energy mix while moving away from its dependency on Russian energy. This paper explores the three-pronged process driven by geopolitical, diplomatic, and material factors that is reshaping the energy landscape of the region.
{"title":"Energy Diplomacy in the Western Balkans","authors":"Sergiu Mitrescu","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.78-90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.78-90","url":null,"abstract":"The Western Balkans is facing a critical juncture in its energy landscape as it navigates multiple historical developments and geopolitical struggles. The European integration process, which entered a new stage in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine, has put energy at the forefront of the accession process. The push towards renewable energy sources over the past decade has failed to make a significant impact in the Western Balkans, leaving the region with an aging energy infrastructure and in need of an energy revolution. In this context, energy diplomacy is taking centre stage, rubbing against long-established structural and geopolitical path dependencies. The newly found integration impetus, corroborated with the newly embedded energy conditionality in the European Union acquis, has the potential to mobilize the necessary material and immaterial resources for the region to successfully manage transition towards a sustainable energy mix while moving away from its dependency on Russian energy. This paper explores the three-pronged process driven by geopolitical, diplomatic, and material factors that is reshaping the energy landscape of the region.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114187269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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