Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.91-108
G. Ibadoghlu, Ibad Bayramov
According to the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on a strategic partnership in the field of energy between the European Commission and Azerbaijan, the latter will double its current supply of natural gas to Europe until 2027. That being said, does Azerbaijan have the capacity to produce and transport this increased volume – and what role will cooperation with Azerbaijan play in reducing EU gas dependence on Russia? In this paper, the authors explore the country’s energy production and transport capacity, assess its potential, and define future challenges.
{"title":"An Assessment of the Potential of EU-Azerbaijan Energy Cooperation and its Impact on EU Gas Dependence on Russia","authors":"G. Ibadoghlu, Ibad Bayramov","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.91-108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.91-108","url":null,"abstract":"According to the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on a strategic partnership in the field of energy between the European Commission and Azerbaijan, the latter will double its current supply of natural gas to Europe until 2027. That being said, does Azerbaijan have the capacity to produce and transport this increased volume – and what role will cooperation with Azerbaijan play in reducing EU gas dependence on Russia? In this paper, the authors explore the country’s energy production and transport capacity, assess its potential, and define future challenges.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"267 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120861707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.73-87
P. Láncos
While the recognition of language rights is slow to progress, with the incremental development of language technologies, an increasing number of solutions makes the enforcement of fundamental rights of members of linguistic feasible. Although these developments are to be welcomed, such technologies are inherently ’biased’ in the sense that these are developed primarily for ’larger’ or more powerful minorities. This situation opens new cleavages besides already existing divisions between majorities and minorities, producing different categories of ‘privileged’ and disenfranchised minorities. The present paper provides an overview of the development of language technologies that may be harnessed for the enforcement of rights. Mapping the different linguistic minorities affected by these developments, the paper seeks to elucidate how new technologies reshuffle power and interest representation opportunities between language groups. Finally, the paper takes a brief look at the challenges of assimilation of minority languages and cultural appropriation.
{"title":"The Role of Language Technologies in Promoting the Participation of Linguistic Minorities in Social, Political and Economic Life","authors":"P. Láncos","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.73-87","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.73-87","url":null,"abstract":"While the recognition of language rights is slow to progress, with the incremental development of language technologies, an increasing number of solutions makes the enforcement of fundamental rights of members of linguistic feasible. Although these developments are to be welcomed, such technologies are inherently ’biased’ in the sense that these are developed primarily for ’larger’ or more powerful minorities. This situation opens new cleavages besides already existing divisions between majorities and minorities, producing different categories of ‘privileged’ and disenfranchised minorities. The present paper provides an overview of the development of language technologies that may be harnessed for the enforcement of rights. Mapping the different linguistic minorities affected by these developments, the paper seeks to elucidate how new technologies reshuffle power and interest representation opportunities between language groups. Finally, the paper takes a brief look at the challenges of assimilation of minority languages and cultural appropriation.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125137633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.57-65
F. Németh
Although an ambitious initiative, the European Political Community (EPC) has left experts wondering as to what it will entail in practice. Its greatest advantage (and disadvantage) is that it can still become anything countries happen to agree on: an inter-governmental, non- institutionalized platform, where leaders can discuss strategic questions of the continent without visible commitments, written statements, or pressure to deliver results. When it comes to the enlargement of the Western Balkans and the Associated Trio, the EPC is unlikely to speed up the process or deliver tangible steps forward. Its added value for the (potential) candidate countries remains that they are also included in the debates concerning European questions of strategic importance.
{"title":"European Political Community: A New Strategic Framework on the Horizon?","authors":"F. Németh","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.57-65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.57-65","url":null,"abstract":"Although an ambitious initiative, the European Political Community (EPC) has left experts wondering as to what it will entail in practice. Its greatest advantage (and disadvantage) is that it can still become anything countries happen to agree on: an inter-governmental, non- institutionalized platform, where leaders can discuss strategic questions of the continent without visible commitments, written statements, or pressure to deliver results. When it comes to the enlargement of the Western Balkans and the Associated Trio, the EPC is unlikely to speed up the process or deliver tangible steps forward. Its added value for the (potential) candidate countries remains that they are also included in the debates concerning European questions of strategic importance.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129507636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.6-30
Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics
Diplomatic, political, economic, cultural, and scientific relations between Hungary and Albania date back to before 1918. At the time, Hungary was considered to possess and control half of a great power: the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Austro-Hungarian Joint Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ballhausplatz) played a crucial role in the strengthening of the Albanian national movement at the turn of the century and in preparing the members of that movement for the tasks to be performed as leaders of an independent nation-state. Based on archival sources yet to be published and relying on previous literature, the present study takes a historiographical approach in demonstrating how the so-called Albanian question gained increasing importance and became a priority of foreign policy for the Ballhausplatz while the interests of the Albanian national movement intertwined with the aspirations of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a great power. The paper also shows what roles the experts of the Austrian and the Hungarian part of the Monarchy and certain members of the Albanian national movement played in this joint venture. The paper concludes that the Austrians played a key role in building the Albanian statehood, while Hungarian scholar Lajos Thallóczy, representing Hungarian political and historical thought, made an unparalleled contribution to the modern Albanian nation-building process.
{"title":"Albanian Nation-Building and Austria–Hungary. The Development of a Southeast European People into a Modern Nation","authors":"Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.6-30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.6-30","url":null,"abstract":"Diplomatic, political, economic, cultural, and scientific relations between Hungary and Albania date back to before 1918. At the time, Hungary was considered to possess and control half of a great power: the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Austro-Hungarian Joint Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ballhausplatz) played a crucial role in the strengthening of the Albanian national movement at the turn of the century and in preparing the members of that movement for the tasks to be performed as leaders of an independent nation-state. Based on archival sources yet to be published and relying on previous literature, the present study takes a historiographical approach in demonstrating how the so-called Albanian question gained increasing importance and became a priority of foreign policy for the Ballhausplatz while the interests of the Albanian national movement intertwined with the aspirations of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a great power. The paper also shows what roles the experts of the Austrian and the Hungarian part of the Monarchy and certain members of the Albanian national movement played in this joint venture. The paper concludes that the Austrians played a key role in building the Albanian statehood, while Hungarian scholar Lajos Thallóczy, representing Hungarian political and historical thought, made an unparalleled contribution to the modern Albanian nation-building process.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131689862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.125-142
F. Németh
The maritime border dispute is one of contentious issues between Albania and Greece as the delimitation of the continental shelf at the Ionian Sea has been of strategic priority for both countries. Bilateral relations hit rock bottom after the Constitutional Court of Albania nullified the initial agreement (2010), and it took more than a decade to (publicly) relaunch the process of having the maritime borders demarcated. A new agreement–even as a verdict by the International Court of Justice–would bear the parties with mutual benefits: Albania would avoid a possible veto over its EU accession from Greece, while Greece, amid growing tensions with Türkiye over the Aegean, would delimitate (and possibly extend) its maritime borders with Albania. The rivalry between Athens and Ankara over the East Mediterranean, the economic potentials (fossil fuels) of the sea as well as the race for influence in the Western Balkans supplement this border dispute with additional foreign policy perspectives that go beyond Albanian–Greek bilateral relations.
{"title":"Waves Larger than Bilateral Relations. The Albanian Greek Maritime Border Dispute","authors":"F. Németh","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.125-142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.125-142","url":null,"abstract":"The maritime border dispute is one of contentious issues between Albania and Greece as the delimitation of the continental shelf at the Ionian Sea has been of strategic priority for both countries. Bilateral relations hit rock bottom after the Constitutional Court of Albania nullified the initial agreement (2010), and it took more than a decade to (publicly) relaunch the process of having the maritime borders demarcated. A new agreement–even as a verdict by the International Court of Justice–would bear the parties with mutual benefits: Albania would avoid a possible veto over its EU accession from Greece, while Greece, amid growing tensions with Türkiye over the Aegean, would delimitate (and possibly extend) its maritime borders with Albania. The rivalry between Athens and Ankara over the East Mediterranean, the economic potentials (fossil fuels) of the sea as well as the race for influence in the Western Balkans supplement this border dispute with additional foreign policy perspectives that go beyond Albanian–Greek bilateral relations.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127448887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.71-88
J. Ármás
The study examines demographic and migration trends in Albania within the framework of the concept of demographic transition. By outlining the historical-political-economic characteristics of the post-World War II period, the paper explains the factors that led to the population explosion in Albania and the rapid decline of the country’s population after the fall of socialism. As a specific feature of Central, East and Southeast Europe, Albania’s depopulation situation is exacerbated by the high rate of emigration from the country, particularly among the young, educated generations. As it currently stands, Albania has no incentives to encourage people to bear children or to stay in the country, but it also has no “migration hinterland” like Western European countries. The Albanian population, currently 2.8 million, is projected to fall to 2.1 million by 2060 as a result of all these developments.
{"title":"An Emptying State? Demographic and International Migration Trends in Albania","authors":"J. Ármás","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.71-88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.71-88","url":null,"abstract":"The study examines demographic and migration trends in Albania within the framework of the concept of demographic transition. By outlining the historical-political-economic characteristics of the post-World War II period, the paper explains the factors that led to the population explosion in Albania and the rapid decline of the country’s population after the fall of socialism. As a specific feature of Central, East and Southeast Europe, Albania’s depopulation situation is exacerbated by the high rate of emigration from the country, particularly among the young, educated generations. As it currently stands, Albania has no incentives to encourage people to bear children or to stay in the country, but it also has no “migration hinterland” like Western European countries. The Albanian population, currently 2.8 million, is projected to fall to 2.1 million by 2060 as a result of all these developments.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133093727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.44-59
Donie Kadewandana
This paper examines Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the global COVID-19 pandemic. As the third most populous country in Asia after China and India, Indonesia has taken strategic steps to handle COVID-19, looking after its citizens both within the country and abroad. The study shows that Indonesia’s foreign policy is carried out through the Alliance for Multilateralism. First, Indonesian citizens abroad are protected by the Indonesian government with the help of large-scale repatriation, especially in countries that have been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, the Indonesian government encourages the strengthening of governance within the global health framework by supporting the policies of the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Indonesia cooperates with various countries, both regionally and multilaterally, in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. The factors that influence Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic include Indonesia’s national interests and the international political situation. These have characterized foreign policy implementation under President Joko Widodo during the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"Indonesian Foreign Policy and the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Donie Kadewandana","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.44-59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.44-59","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the global COVID-19 pandemic. As the third most populous country in Asia after China and India, Indonesia has taken strategic steps to handle COVID-19, looking after its citizens both within the country and abroad. The study shows that Indonesia’s foreign policy is carried out through the Alliance for Multilateralism. First, Indonesian citizens abroad are protected by the Indonesian government with the help of large-scale repatriation, especially in countries that have been severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Second, the Indonesian government encourages the strengthening of governance within the global health framework by supporting the policies of the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Indonesia cooperates with various countries, both regionally and multilaterally, in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. The factors that influence Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic include Indonesia’s national interests and the international political situation. These have characterized foreign policy implementation under President Joko Widodo during the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133226055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.9-20
Ivca Bocevski
Is there a real perspective for the full integration of the Western Balkans Six in the European Union, or is the accession process already dead? “Something is rotten in the state of the European integration of the Western Balkans” is not just a poetic way to describe the state of affairs regarding full accession, but a reality. The European Union, and previously the European Economic Community, was quite efficient in previous cycles of European enlargement. Virtually all the accession processes were completed within the mandate of a single European Commission once the negotiation processes had been started with the respective countries. Furthermore, in the pre-accession period the European Union invested heavily in the removal of the “non-acquis political criteria,” which were usually linked to the democratic insufficiencies of the candidate countries. The only notable exceptions to the ‘rule of a single European Commission’ are the Turkish enlargement and the Western Balkans Six (WB6) accession process. Given the fact that most of the WB6 countries already have the necessary legal framework in place for cooperation with the EU and that the single market is by far the largest trading partner of the region, the only logical conclusion is that there is no political will for further enlargement of the European Union, and so the accession process has ground to a halt.
{"title":"European Integration and the Western Balkans – What Now?","authors":"Ivca Bocevski","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.9-20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.9-20","url":null,"abstract":"Is there a real perspective for the full integration of the Western Balkans Six in the European Union, or is the accession process already dead? “Something is rotten in the state of the European integration of the Western Balkans” is not just a poetic way to describe the state of affairs regarding full accession, but a reality. The European Union, and previously the European Economic Community, was quite efficient in previous cycles of European enlargement. Virtually all the accession processes were completed within the mandate of a single European Commission once the negotiation processes had been started with the respective countries. Furthermore, in the pre-accession period the European Union invested heavily in the removal of the “non-acquis political criteria,” which were usually linked to the democratic insufficiencies of the candidate countries. The only notable exceptions to the ‘rule of a single European Commission’ are the Turkish enlargement and the Western Balkans Six (WB6) accession process. Given the fact that most of the WB6 countries already have the necessary legal framework in place for cooperation with the EU and that the single market is by far the largest trading partner of the region, the only logical conclusion is that there is no political will for further enlargement of the European Union, and so the accession process has ground to a halt.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123878779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.173-183
H. Kreft
Serbia’s non-recognition of Kosovo is at the core of many problems in the region. Not only does it prevent progress towards EU accession, which both countries explicitly seek, it also hinders important regional economic cooperation and repeatedly destabilises the entire region. The Franco-German proposal is yet another attempt to normalize relations between the two countries. The proposal envisages a normalisation of relations between Serbia and Kosovo along the lines of the historic Basic Treaty signed in 1972 between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). This more active Western Balkans policy on the part of Berlin is also an expression of the “Zeitenwende” announced by Chancellor Scholz. Despite the support of all 27 EU members and the US, the normalisation process is proceeding very slowly, which shows the limited ability of the EU and the US to pressure the two counterparts.
{"title":"The Franco-German Proposal to Normalise Relations between Serbia and Kosovo. A Historic Opportunity to Unblock the EU Accession Perspective for the Entire Western Balkans","authors":"H. Kreft","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.173-183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.173-183","url":null,"abstract":"Serbia’s non-recognition of Kosovo is at the core of many problems in the region. Not only does it prevent progress towards EU accession, which both countries explicitly seek, it also hinders important regional economic cooperation and repeatedly destabilises the entire region. The Franco-German proposal is yet another attempt to normalize relations between the two countries. The proposal envisages a normalisation of relations between Serbia and Kosovo along the lines of the historic Basic Treaty signed in 1972 between the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR). This more active Western Balkans policy on the part of Berlin is also an expression of the “Zeitenwende” announced by Chancellor Scholz. Despite the support of all 27 EU members and the US, the normalisation process is proceeding very slowly, which shows the limited ability of the EU and the US to pressure the two counterparts.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129394871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.146-159
Naoum Kaytchev
This paper discusses the influence of Bulgarian–North Macedonian bilateral relations on the perspectives of North Macedonia’s EU integration after the adoption of the EU-North Macedonia negotiation framework in July 2022, advanced by the French EU Presidency. The main focus is on two of the most salient and sensitive elements of these relations – the incorporation of the Bulgarian community in North Macedonia’s constitution and the role of the Joint Historical Commission in adjusting and synchronising the historical perspectives of the two societies. Progress in both issues would be extremely beneficial for North Macedonia’s prospects. Any retreat from or erosion of the French EU framework solution would mean a return to the stalled situation before 2022, which would be hardly beneficial either for North Macedonia or for the wider Southeast European region.
{"title":"Perspectives for North Macedonia’s EU Integration after the French EU Framework Solution in 2022","authors":"Naoum Kaytchev","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.146-159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.146-159","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the influence of Bulgarian–North Macedonian bilateral relations on the perspectives of North Macedonia’s EU integration after the adoption of the EU-North Macedonia negotiation framework in July 2022, advanced by the French EU Presidency. The main focus is on two of the most salient and sensitive elements of these relations – the incorporation of the Bulgarian community in North Macedonia’s constitution and the role of the Joint Historical Commission in adjusting and synchronising the historical perspectives of the two societies. Progress in both issues would be extremely beneficial for North Macedonia’s prospects. Any retreat from or erosion of the French EU framework solution would mean a return to the stalled situation before 2022, which would be hardly beneficial either for North Macedonia or for the wider Southeast European region.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"740 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130765266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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