Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.109-120
J. Ármás
The countries of the Western Balkans are facing a serious demographic crisis due to a declining birth rate that is in line with European trends, and the situation is exacerbated by high levels of migration, mainly towards the European Union. A cheap, well-educated labour force from the Balkans has been working as guest workers in Western European countries since the late 1960s, a tradition that has continued and even intensified since then. The exodus of the population, especially young and skilled workers, is already leading to labour shortages in the region, which discourages the inflow of FDI that would be essential for development. Outlining the current demographic trends, this paper concludes that the demographic crisis in the Western Balkans is irreversible; governments are failing to provide adequate incentives to increase birth rates, while labour and brain drain increases.
{"title":"Lost Generations Losing Generation: the Consequences of the Demographic Crisis in the Western Balkans","authors":"J. Ármás","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.109-120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.109-120","url":null,"abstract":"The countries of the Western Balkans are facing a serious demographic crisis due to a declining birth rate that is in line with European trends, and the situation is exacerbated by high levels of migration, mainly towards the European Union. A cheap, well-educated labour force from the Balkans has been working as guest workers in Western European countries since the late 1960s, a tradition that has continued and even intensified since then. The exodus of the population, especially young and skilled workers, is already leading to labour shortages in the region, which discourages the inflow of FDI that would be essential for development. Outlining the current demographic trends, this paper concludes that the demographic crisis in the Western Balkans is irreversible; governments are failing to provide adequate incentives to increase birth rates, while labour and brain drain increases.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"225 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131971376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182
Zainaddin M. Khidhir
Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.
{"title":"US Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021","authors":"Zainaddin M. Khidhir","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182","url":null,"abstract":"Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133075329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.122-133
Nina Sajić
Almost thirty years after the General Framework for Peace (DPA) was initialled in Dayton and then signed in Paris, Bosnia and Herzegovina has not taken full ownership over its governance. The Office of the High Representative (OHR), which has been given the responsibility to oversee the civilian implementation of the DPA, has been heavily criticized for being controversial, undemocratic, illegal, and it has been seen as an obstacle to the EU integration of the country. This paper analyses the effects of civilian international presence on the governance of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It argues that such strong and long-lasting international control fosters a culture of dependency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which in turn jeopardizes the creation of federal spirit in the country.
{"title":"Culture of Dependency and Federal Spirit in Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Nina Sajić","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.122-133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.122-133","url":null,"abstract":"Almost thirty years after the General Framework for Peace (DPA) was initialled in Dayton and then signed in Paris, Bosnia and Herzegovina has not taken full ownership over its governance. The Office of the High Representative (OHR), which has been given the responsibility to oversee the civilian implementation of the DPA, has been heavily criticized for being controversial, undemocratic, illegal, and it has been seen as an obstacle to the EU integration of the country. This paper analyses the effects of civilian international presence on the governance of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It argues that such strong and long-lasting international control fosters a culture of dependency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which in turn jeopardizes the creation of federal spirit in the country.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133551495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.88-105
B. Gerencsér
This study examines the citizen-to-citizen and citizen-tostate relationship focusing on the use of different languages in society. According to the basic assumption, there is necessarily a kind of competition between the different languages spoken in one state, which determines the relations between the languages. The development and maintenance of peaceful coexistence between languages (thus social groups of different languages) is part of the protection function of the state. This study examines the four key points of intervention needed to develop appropriate language policy and legislation, which it summarizes as the “law of coexisting languages”.
{"title":"The Law of Coexisting Languages Examining the Quartet of Language Policy Fields","authors":"B. Gerencsér","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.88-105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.88-105","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the citizen-to-citizen and citizen-tostate relationship focusing on the use of different languages in society. According to the basic assumption, there is necessarily a kind of competition between the different languages spoken in one state, which determines the relations between the languages. The development and maintenance of peaceful coexistence between languages (thus social groups of different languages) is part of the protection function of the state. This study examines the four key points of intervention needed to develop appropriate language policy and legislation, which it summarizes as the “law of coexisting languages”.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115799167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.32-44
Dragan Tilev
The war in Ukraine and the vulnerability of the Western Balkans clearly highlight how important it is to complete the unification of the European Union. The EU and the Western Balkans share geopolitical interests, and the accession negotiations should be seen as a new opportunity for accelerated integration, based on conditionalities. A new enlargement methodology as a general political framework has been transposed into the new generation of negotiation frameworks for North Macedonia and Albania. One of the key novelties of the new methodology is the potential for accelerated integration and (gradual) “phasing-in” to individual EU policies, the EU market, and EU programs, coupled with increased funding and investments. The main pillars of the enlargement package are the EU fundamentals. Why not start mirroring those fundamentals in practice, bringing the accession negotiations closer to key areas of mutual interest, such as the European Rule of Law Mechanism, through phasing-in to the European Semester, followed by the European Single Market, supported through the IPA instrument, and consider establishing a Western Balkans Cohesion Fund? These are complex mechanisms and therefore, beginning at an early stage would be highly beneficial for both sides.
{"title":"The Phasing-in Approach for Accelerated Integration into the European Union, or Encapsulation into the Western Balkans","authors":"Dragan Tilev","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.32-44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.32-44","url":null,"abstract":"The war in Ukraine and the vulnerability of the Western Balkans clearly highlight how important it is to complete the unification of the European Union. The EU and the Western Balkans share geopolitical interests, and the accession negotiations should be seen as a new opportunity for accelerated integration, based on conditionalities. A new enlargement methodology as a general political framework has been transposed into the new generation of negotiation frameworks for North Macedonia and Albania. One of the key novelties of the new methodology is the potential for accelerated integration and (gradual) “phasing-in” to individual EU policies, the EU market, and EU programs, coupled with increased funding and investments. The main pillars of the enlargement package are the EU fundamentals. Why not start mirroring those fundamentals in practice, bringing the accession negotiations closer to key areas of mutual interest, such as the European Rule of Law Mechanism, through phasing-in to the European Semester, followed by the European Single Market, supported through the IPA instrument, and consider establishing a Western Balkans Cohesion Fund? These are complex mechanisms and therefore, beginning at an early stage would be highly beneficial for both sides.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121139161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.127-140
Hnin Mya Thida
The study explores people’s perception of foreign external actors in Myanmar’s domestic conflict through a case study of the recent military coup in Myanmar on 1 February 2021. Both Myanmar and China firmly hold a non-interference policy in other’s internal affairs stemming from the ‘Five Principles of Co-existence. However, the traditionally strong relationship between China and the Myanmar army, the Chinese response to the military coup, and its attitude to the army leaders have become controversial among people in Myanmar, leading to a growing anti-Chinese sentiment. By conducting a survey with the Myanmar diaspora, the paper analyses how people in Myanmar perceive China’s role in Myanmar’s internal affairs. The study concludes that, given China’s growing international role, Beijing should pay particular attention to how its foreign policy actions are perceived by the populations of other states.
{"title":"People’s Perception of the Role of Foreign Power in Myanmar: A Case Study of the 2021 Military Coup","authors":"Hnin Mya Thida","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.127-140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.127-140","url":null,"abstract":"The study explores people’s perception of foreign external actors in Myanmar’s domestic conflict through a case study of the recent military coup in Myanmar on 1 February 2021. Both Myanmar and China firmly hold a non-interference policy in other’s internal affairs stemming from the ‘Five Principles of Co-existence. However, the traditionally strong relationship between China and the Myanmar army, the Chinese response to the military coup, and its attitude to the army leaders have become controversial among people in Myanmar, leading to a growing anti-Chinese sentiment. By conducting a survey with the Myanmar diaspora, the paper analyses how people in Myanmar perceive China’s role in Myanmar’s internal affairs. The study concludes that, given China’s growing international role, Beijing should pay particular attention to how its foreign policy actions are perceived by the populations of other states.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132261020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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