Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.11-27
G. Kardos
The study raises the question of whether it is necessary to recognize language rights, and responds with a series of philosophical, theoretical and anthropological arguments - sometimes quoting judicial formulations in favor of the recognition of language rights, especially minority language rights. It is a serious dilemma that, for historicalpolitical reasons, states often give priority to linguistic homogenization and consider multilingualism, the use of minority languages, as outdated or even dangerous, incompatible with the modern nation-state model. The article discusses the two fundamental principles which best underpin the international recognition of minority language rights: the protection of diverse communities and their equal rights. The study points out that in the practice of the UN Human Rights Committee and the ECtHR discrimination in the use of minority languages is recognized only in a very narrow sense. It means that the minority language sub-rights of general human rights may be interpreted too narrowly, and that recognition of these sub-rights may be denied, and this leads to the conclusion that explicit safeguards are needed to secure that minority language rights, and the corresponding state obligations arising from them are precisely defined.
{"title":"The Need for Minority Language Rights: Some Theoretical and International Legal Considerations","authors":"G. Kardos","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.11-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.11-27","url":null,"abstract":"The study raises the question of whether it is necessary to recognize language rights, and responds with a series of philosophical, theoretical and anthropological arguments - sometimes quoting judicial formulations in favor of the recognition of language rights, especially minority language rights. It is a serious dilemma that, for historicalpolitical reasons, states often give priority to linguistic homogenization and consider multilingualism, the use of minority languages, as outdated or even dangerous, incompatible with the modern nation-state model. The article discusses the two fundamental principles which best underpin the international recognition of minority language rights: the protection of diverse communities and their equal rights. The study points out that in the practice of the UN Human Rights Committee and the ECtHR discrimination in the use of minority languages is recognized only in a very narrow sense. It means that the minority language sub-rights of general human rights may be interpreted too narrowly, and that recognition of these sub-rights may be denied, and this leads to the conclusion that explicit safeguards are needed to secure that minority language rights, and the corresponding state obligations arising from them are precisely defined.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128517145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.21-31
Johannes Swoboda
The war against Ukraine is not the first war on European soil after World War II, the wars of Yugoslav succession are often forgotten when today’s war is being discussed. But today’s war is not just a regional war: it has wider repercussions for overall security in Europe and beyond. At the same time, there is an important connection to the countries that have emerged from Yugoslavia. The quick offer of future EU membership for Ukraine and Moldova (and eventually Georgia) has resulted in mixed feelings in the Western Balkans, and many fear that the new candidates will get priority access to the EU. However, the possibility should also be considered that the geopolitical urgency to defend the new candidates against Russian influence may lead to new opportunities for the Western Balkan countries in the long term.
{"title":"Challenges for EU Accession and the War Against Ukraine","authors":"Johannes Swoboda","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.21-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.21-31","url":null,"abstract":"The war against Ukraine is not the first war on European soil after World War II, the wars of Yugoslav succession are often forgotten when today’s war is being discussed. But today’s war is not just a regional war: it has wider repercussions for overall security in Europe and beyond. At the same time, there is an important connection to the countries that have emerged from Yugoslavia. The quick offer of future EU membership for Ukraine and Moldova (and eventually Georgia) has resulted in mixed feelings in the Western Balkans, and many fear that the new candidates will get priority access to the EU. However, the possibility should also be considered that the geopolitical urgency to defend the new candidates against Russian influence may lead to new opportunities for the Western Balkan countries in the long term.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127390162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.60-84
V. Friedmann
Owing to changes in Taiwan’s domestic politics, the PRC’s turn to a more assertive foreign policy, and the rapid deterioration in Sino-US affairs, cross-Strait relations were already at their lowest point in recent history when the Covid-19 pandemic broke out. This article analyses how the interplay between these already existing factors and the pandemic have impacted relations between Beijing and Taipei. The analysis is conducted on three levels: Taiwan’s domestic politics; cross-Strait perceptions and interactions; and changes in the international space available for Taiwan. It is argued that the pandemic has primarily accelerated and amplified trends already in place rather than introduce fundamentally new factors. Taiwan’s successful management of the pandemic has stabilized DPP rule and given the government enlarged policy space. It has further entrenched negative views of the other on both sides of the Strait and decreased crossStrait social contact. The country’s success has also provided a boost to Taiwan’s manoeuvring in the increasingly fragmented international economic and political space that has resulted from intensifying great power competition.
{"title":"Social Distancing? The Impact of the Covid-19 Pandemic on Cross-Strait Relations","authors":"V. Friedmann","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.60-84","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.60-84","url":null,"abstract":"Owing to changes in Taiwan’s domestic politics, the PRC’s turn to a more assertive foreign policy, and the rapid deterioration in Sino-US affairs, cross-Strait relations were already at their lowest point in recent history when the Covid-19 pandemic broke out. This article analyses how the interplay between these already existing factors and the pandemic have impacted relations between Beijing and Taipei. The analysis is conducted on three levels: Taiwan’s domestic politics; cross-Strait perceptions and interactions; and changes in the international space available for Taiwan. It is argued that the pandemic has primarily accelerated and amplified trends already in place rather than introduce fundamentally new factors. Taiwan’s successful management of the pandemic has stabilized DPP rule and given the government enlarged policy space. It has further entrenched negative views of the other on both sides of the Strait and decreased crossStrait social contact. The country’s success has also provided a boost to Taiwan’s manoeuvring in the increasingly fragmented international economic and political space that has resulted from intensifying great power competition.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125287617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.89-124
Péter Novoszáth
This paper analyses Albania’s monetary policy in terms of the Albanian economic policy and monetary market, determining the effects of monetary policy and its consequences for some of the key macroeconomic indicators. The analysis concludes that the policy of the Albanian Central Bank, is applied in an unequal monetary market, since the money market is divided almost equally between foreign currency and the local currency, the Albanian lek (ALL). Fiscal consolidation is still necessary to safeguard debt sustainability. Rebuilding the fiscal space is particularly important because the Albanian economy lacks other stabilisation tools, and an independent monetary policy in particular. More effort should be made to shift budgets towards a more growth-oriented composition. In last year’s dialogue between the EU and the Western Balkans and Turkey, special attention was paid to the importance of fiscal rules and frameworks in improving fiscal governance.
{"title":"Economic and Monetary Policy in Albania","authors":"Péter Novoszáth","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.89-124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.89-124","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses Albania’s monetary policy in terms of the Albanian economic policy and monetary market, determining the effects of monetary policy and its consequences for some of the key macroeconomic indicators. The analysis concludes that the policy of the Albanian Central Bank, is applied in an unequal monetary market, since the money market is divided almost equally between foreign currency and the local currency, the Albanian lek (ALL). Fiscal consolidation is still necessary to safeguard debt sustainability. Rebuilding the fiscal space is particularly important because the Albanian economy lacks other stabilisation tools, and an independent monetary policy in particular. More effort should be made to shift budgets towards a more growth-oriented composition. In last year’s dialogue between the EU and the Western Balkans and Turkey, special attention was paid to the importance of fiscal rules and frameworks in improving fiscal governance.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"13 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113963697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.23-43
Zsolt Csutak
Considering the recent series of events and intensified diplomatic and economic relations, many experts envisage a new Cold War between the two superpowers of the twenty-first century. Although the Chinese-American relationship over the last half-century has experienced some great moments, it has mostly been characterised by less amicable or even hostile attitudes, as well as economically volatile competition. The pragmatic realist approach and diplomatic appeasement of the 1970s and 1980s served mutual interests for the two countries against their common foe, the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, concerning their political values and visions, the democratic US and the Marxist-Maoist People’s Republic of China have proven to be two irreconcilable political and social experiments, worlds apart from each other’s spheres and paradigms. Within the context of the drastically altered global political milieu of the new millennium, the two great powers have manoeuvred themselves into heated confrontational positions over the last decade, not even excluding the possibility of a severe clash of interests in the future.
{"title":"The Evolution of the Sino-American Nexus, With a View From Washington: From Hostility to Smart Appeasement and Back","authors":"Zsolt Csutak","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.23-43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.23-43","url":null,"abstract":"Considering the recent series of events and intensified diplomatic and economic relations, many experts envisage a new Cold War between the two superpowers of the twenty-first century. Although the Chinese-American relationship over the last half-century has experienced some great moments, it has mostly been characterised by less amicable or even hostile attitudes, as well as economically volatile competition. The pragmatic realist approach and diplomatic appeasement of the 1970s and 1980s served mutual interests for the two countries against their common foe, the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, concerning their political values and visions, the democratic US and the Marxist-Maoist People’s Republic of China have proven to be two irreconcilable political and social experiments, worlds apart from each other’s spheres and paradigms. Within the context of the drastically altered global political milieu of the new millennium, the two great powers have manoeuvred themselves into heated confrontational positions over the last decade, not even excluding the possibility of a severe clash of interests in the future.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124050786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.134-145
Anna Orosz
The Office of the High Representative was established by the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 to assist the implementation of the civilian aspects of the agreement. Since then, the High Representative (HR) has been authorised to intervene directly in domestic affairs if the HR considers it necessary. The use of the so-called Bonn powers and its impact on the peace and state-building process divides both policymakers and experts. This paper draws attention to the fact that the role of the HR cannot be assessed without considering the constantly changing domestic and international political context. The paper also shows that the extensive use of these executive powers has played a controversial role in achieving the original goals of the Agreement.
{"title":"High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Is the More Interventionist Way the Right Way to Go?","authors":"Anna Orosz","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.134-145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2023.1.134-145","url":null,"abstract":"The Office of the High Representative was established by the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 to assist the implementation of the civilian aspects of the agreement. Since then, the High Representative (HR) has been authorised to intervene directly in domestic affairs if the HR considers it necessary. The use of the so-called Bonn powers and its impact on the peace and state-building process divides both policymakers and experts. This paper draws attention to the fact that the role of the HR cannot be assessed without considering the constantly changing domestic and international political context. The paper also shows that the extensive use of these executive powers has played a controversial role in achieving the original goals of the Agreement.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117287262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.51-70
Edmond Malaj
This paper presents various important aspects in the cultural relations between Albania and Hungary, both during the communist regime that lasted almost 50 years in Albania (1944-1992), and in the last thirty years (1993-2022), which are considered “the democracy years” in Albania, although they have rather been years of protracted transition. The paper presents important information about: a) Albanian students who were educated in Hungary; b) linguistic and literary publications created in the two countries, both in Albanian and Hungarian, and c) relations between the two countries, especially in education over the last 30 years.
{"title":"Cultural Relations between Albania and Hungary During and after the Communist Dictatorship. A Brief Introduction","authors":"Edmond Malaj","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.51-70","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.51-70","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents various important aspects in the cultural relations between Albania and Hungary, both during the communist regime that lasted almost 50 years in Albania (1944-1992), and in the last thirty years (1993-2022), which are considered “the democracy years” in Albania, although they have rather been years of protracted transition. The paper presents important information about: a) Albanian students who were educated in Hungary; b) linguistic and literary publications created in the two countries, both in Albanian and Hungarian, and c) relations between the two countries, especially in education over the last 30 years.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123064145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.219-243
Hamza Gurdic
Kosovo celebrates the 15th anniversary of its declaration of independence in 2023. Although Europe’s youngest country is alive and well, it sometimes faces difficulties in international relations. As of 2022, 22 out of 27 EU member states have recognised Kosovo as an independent state, while Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, and Spain still have not done so. There are geopolitical, economic, and ethnic aspects behind the decision of non-recognition among these five countries, to protect the stability of their own statehood, as except for Greece, they all share fears of secessionism. This paper provides an overlook of Pristina’s opportunities in the global arena of international politics, focusing on the relations between Kosovo and the five non-recogniser EU member states between 2008 and 2022. Their position on granting recognition to Kosovo has remained the same; however, while attitudes in Greece, Romania, and Slovakia have shifted towards the softer side of non-recognition, Spain and Cyprus remain hard opposers.
{"title":"A Change of Winds or Business as Usual? Non-recognising EU Member States’ Attitudes Towards Kosovo","authors":"Hamza Gurdic","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.219-243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.219-243","url":null,"abstract":"Kosovo celebrates the 15th anniversary of its declaration of independence in 2023. Although Europe’s youngest country is alive and well, it sometimes faces difficulties in international relations. As of 2022, 22 out of 27 EU member states have recognised Kosovo as an independent state, while Cyprus, Greece, Romania, Slovakia, and Spain still have not done so. There are geopolitical, economic, and ethnic aspects behind the decision of non-recognition among these five countries, to protect the stability of their own statehood, as except for Greece, they all share fears of secessionism. This paper provides an overlook of Pristina’s opportunities in the global arena of international politics, focusing on the relations between Kosovo and the five non-recogniser EU member states between 2008 and 2022. Their position on granting recognition to Kosovo has remained the same; however, while attitudes in Greece, Romania, and Slovakia have shifted towards the softer side of non-recognition, Spain and Cyprus remain hard opposers.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123644720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.112-126
Hilda Veress
This study examines France’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific region to explore how a European middle power tries to maintain its status in the emerging focal point of global politics. Based on the concept of middle global power, the paper explores the limits of France’s autonomous regional foreign policy. The paper argues that the best strategic option for France is to seek cooperation with other regional partners, notably Australia, beside the two superpowers, China and the United States. However, the dramatically increased tensions between the United States and China since the second part of the Trump administration have resulted in important changes in the Indo-Pacific region, such as the strengthening of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which makes it increasingly difficult for France to maintain its independence as a regional great power image. This changing reality for France is illustrated through a case study of the AUKUS Treaty.
{"title":"France as a Middle Power in the Shadow of Great Powers After the Pandemic","authors":"Hilda Veress","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.112-126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.112-126","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines France’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific region to explore how a European middle power tries to maintain its status in the emerging focal point of global politics. Based on the concept of middle global power, the paper explores the limits of France’s autonomous regional foreign policy. The paper argues that the best strategic option for France is to seek cooperation with other regional partners, notably Australia, beside the two superpowers, China and the United States. However, the dramatically increased tensions between the United States and China since the second part of the Trump administration have resulted in important changes in the Indo-Pacific region, such as the strengthening of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, which makes it increasingly difficult for France to maintain its independence as a regional great power image. This changing reality for France is illustrated through a case study of the AUKUS Treaty.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128586810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.62-72
Miklós Kontra
Current international Human Rights obligations and language rights declarations have not proved particularly effective. For a crime against humanity a person may be sentenced to life imprisonment (e.g., Ratko Mladić for the Srebrenica massacre), but other perpetrators often go unpunished: for instance, most of those States which assimilate their linguistic minorities through submersion education programs. In his call for this conference, Professor György Andrássy urged us to find new arguments that might help to raise international language rights standards, and clarify the role of arguments in general. In this context I will address a wider issue: Does security policy pose a threat to minority language rights? These challenges have been highlighted by conflicts in Ukraine over the past five years. If the Council of Europe, the European Union, and NATO become complicit in Ukraine’s erosion of regional and minority languages, a precedent may be set whereby a linguistic minority can be deprived of the rights they previously enjoyed in their State. The example of Ukraine may be followed by other States in building homogeneous nation-states and could well lead to new conflicts in Europe. In this paper I will show that what has created a serious international conflict and paralysis in NATO could be handled quite straightforwardly by linguists.
{"title":"(Linguistic) Human Rights and/or Security Policy","authors":"Miklós Kontra","doi":"10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.62-72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.2.62-72","url":null,"abstract":"Current international Human Rights obligations and language rights declarations have not proved particularly effective. For a crime against humanity a person may be sentenced to life imprisonment (e.g., Ratko Mladić for the Srebrenica massacre), but other perpetrators often go unpunished: for instance, most of those States which assimilate their linguistic minorities through submersion education programs. In his call for this conference, Professor György Andrássy urged us to find new arguments that might help to raise international language rights standards, and clarify the role of arguments in general. In this context I will address a wider issue: Does security policy pose a threat to minority language rights? These challenges have been highlighted by conflicts in Ukraine over the past five years. If the Council of Europe, the European Union, and NATO become complicit in Ukraine’s erosion of regional and minority languages, a precedent may be set whereby a linguistic minority can be deprived of the rights they previously enjoyed in their State. The example of Ukraine may be followed by other States in building homogeneous nation-states and could well lead to new conflicts in Europe. In this paper I will show that what has created a serious international conflict and paralysis in NATO could be handled quite straightforwardly by linguists.","PeriodicalId":365676,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Review","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124487853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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