International legal scholarship often assumes that populists will have an antagonistic relationship with international law.1 But a view from Latin America, where populism has been an object of study since the early twentieth century, tells a more complex story: populist leaders have engaged in multilateralism, promoted regional unity, and attempted to create international institutions. And populists as well as non-populists have resisted international institutions. This essay questions the assumption that populists have an antagonistic relationship with international law, and argues that this assumption lacks robust empirical support and is theoretically underdeveloped. Latin America is a particularly significant site for challenging this assumption, given the prominent role of the executive in foreign relations2 and the rich intellectual history regarding populism itself. The essay concludes by stressing the need for developing a theoretical framework for the study of populism and international law, which international legal scholarship currently lacks. Such a framework should be less Euro-centric and less normatively biased: it should not assume that resistance to international law is always without merit. And it should also allow us to identify what is distinctively populist about populism's relation with international law and which aspects are mediated by populism's host ideologies.
{"title":"Populism's Antagonism to International Law: Lessons from Latin America","authors":"Marcela Prieto Rudolphy","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.52","url":null,"abstract":"International legal scholarship often assumes that populists will have an antagonistic relationship with international law.1 But a view from Latin America, where populism has been an object of study since the early twentieth century, tells a more complex story: populist leaders have engaged in multilateralism, promoted regional unity, and attempted to create international institutions. And populists as well as non-populists have resisted international institutions. This essay questions the assumption that populists have an antagonistic relationship with international law, and argues that this assumption lacks robust empirical support and is theoretically underdeveloped. Latin America is a particularly significant site for challenging this assumption, given the prominent role of the executive in foreign relations2 and the rich intellectual history regarding populism itself. The essay concludes by stressing the need for developing a theoretical framework for the study of populism and international law, which international legal scholarship currently lacks. Such a framework should be less Euro-centric and less normatively biased: it should not assume that resistance to international law is always without merit. And it should also allow us to identify what is distinctively populist about populism's relation with international law and which aspects are mediated by populism's host ideologies.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44132173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A comienzos del siglo veinte, al celebrarse la primera reunión del entonces recién creado Instituto Americano de Derecho Internacional, juristas de distintos países adoptaron una declaración que estipulaba que “el derecho internacional es a la vez nacional e internacional”1. Casi cien años después, si hay un aspecto del Derecho internacional que tiene un rasgo distintivamente latinoamericano, y que da cuenta de la idea acuñada en esa Declaración, es el Derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. Desde la adopción de la Declaración Americana de de los Derechos y Deberes del Hombre, en 1948, y especialmente a partir de la década de los cincuenta, con la creación de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, y luego con la adopción de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, en 1969, los derechos fundamentales han sido, son y todo indica que seguirán siendo un proceso y fenómeno radicalmente regional del Derecho internacional. Este ensayo analiza, a través del desarrollo de la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana, la manera como se ha construido el Derecho transnacional de los derechos humanos en América Latina, con la formación del sistema interamericano, hasta las formas peculiares de interacción e influencia entre el Derecho internacional y el Derecho constitucional. Revisando la jurisprudencia reciente sobre justiciabilidad de derechos sociales, el ensayo muestra cómo la idea de un derecho común de los derechos humanos presenta dificultades que deben atenderse si se quiere tomar en serio el carácter transnacional de los derechos humanos en la región.
{"title":"Los Derechos Humanos Como Derecho Transnacional","authors":"J. Contesse","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.61","url":null,"abstract":"A comienzos del siglo veinte, al celebrarse la primera reunión del entonces recién creado Instituto Americano de Derecho Internacional, juristas de distintos países adoptaron una declaración que estipulaba que “el derecho internacional es a la vez nacional e internacional”1. Casi cien años después, si hay un aspecto del Derecho internacional que tiene un rasgo distintivamente latinoamericano, y que da cuenta de la idea acuñada en esa Declaración, es el Derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. Desde la adopción de la Declaración Americana de de los Derechos y Deberes del Hombre, en 1948, y especialmente a partir de la década de los cincuenta, con la creación de la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, y luego con la adopción de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, en 1969, los derechos fundamentales han sido, son y todo indica que seguirán siendo un proceso y fenómeno radicalmente regional del Derecho internacional. Este ensayo analiza, a través del desarrollo de la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana, la manera como se ha construido el Derecho transnacional de los derechos humanos en América Latina, con la formación del sistema interamericano, hasta las formas peculiares de interacción e influencia entre el Derecho internacional y el Derecho constitucional. Revisando la jurisprudencia reciente sobre justiciabilidad de derechos sociales, el ensayo muestra cómo la idea de un derecho común de los derechos humanos presenta dificultades que deben atenderse si se quiere tomar en serio el carácter transnacional de los derechos humanos en la región.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49594406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On March 26, 2021, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found Honduras responsible for the killing of Vicky Hernández, a trans woman and human rights defender.1 The Vicky Hernández et al. v. Honduras judgment is the first in which an international court has protected a trans woman by applying a human rights treaty that protects women. It thus provides an opportunity to analyze the impact of feminist ideas on the system of human rights protection at the regional level, with implications for international law more generally. In this essay, I defend the Inter-American Court's majority decision against the dissenting opinions, by arguing that the political subject of human rights is dynamic and emergent and, therefore, positive law is often one step behind in the struggles for recognition. For this reason, we need interpretations of rights that are inclusive, that evolve, and that push for the destabilization of law as binary, allowing the emergence of a more egalitarian legal system that recognizes intersectionality.
{"title":"Latin American Feminists, Gender, and the Binary System of Human Rights Protection","authors":"Ana Micaela Alterio","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.50","url":null,"abstract":"On March 26, 2021, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found Honduras responsible for the killing of Vicky Hernández, a trans woman and human rights defender.1 The Vicky Hernández et al. v. Honduras judgment is the first in which an international court has protected a trans woman by applying a human rights treaty that protects women. It thus provides an opportunity to analyze the impact of feminist ideas on the system of human rights protection at the regional level, with implications for international law more generally. In this essay, I defend the Inter-American Court's majority decision against the dissenting opinions, by arguing that the political subject of human rights is dynamic and emergent and, therefore, positive law is often one step behind in the struggles for recognition. For this reason, we need interpretations of rights that are inclusive, that evolve, and that push for the destabilization of law as binary, allowing the emergence of a more egalitarian legal system that recognizes intersectionality.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44232876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luego de la Tercera Conferencia Mundial contra el Racismo, la Discriminación Racial, la Xenofobia y las Formas Relacionadas con la Intolerancia, realizada por las Naciones Unidas en Durban, Sudáfrica, en 2001, surgió un importante movimiento. Las comunidades de la diáspora africana en las Américas —o “afrodescendientes”, como prefieren autoidentificarse— comenzaron a buscar reconocimiento legal en el contexto del Derecho internacional de los derechos humanos, y especialmente dentro del sistema interamericano de derechos humanos. El progreso ha sido notable, incluidos distintos fallos de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, los cambios en los sistemas constitucionales y legales de los países de América Latina y el proyecto de las Naciones Unidas de la Declaración Internacional de los Derechos de los Afrodescendientes, como parte del Decenio Internacional de los Afrodescendientes (2015–2024). Sin embargo, todavía existen cuestiones conceptuales, técnicas y doctrinarias en la definición y estatus jurídico de los afrodescendientes bajo el Derecho internacional. ¿Quiénes son afrodescendientes en términos legales? Y, ¿cómo entendemos “afrodescendencia” dentro del contexto de los pueblos indígenas y tribales? En este ensayo, explico cómo diferentes organismos regionales en América Latina han interpretado progresivamente los derechos indígenas para superar la marginación de los afrodescendientes y describo algunos temas importantes que siguen sin estar claros a pesar de esta bienvenida evolución.
{"title":"El Derecho Internacional Latinoamericano y El Pueblo Afrodescendiente","authors":"John Antón Sánchez","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.58","url":null,"abstract":"Luego de la Tercera Conferencia Mundial contra el Racismo, la Discriminación Racial, la Xenofobia y las Formas Relacionadas con la Intolerancia, realizada por las Naciones Unidas en Durban, Sudáfrica, en 2001, surgió un importante movimiento. Las comunidades de la diáspora africana en las Américas —o “afrodescendientes”, como prefieren autoidentificarse— comenzaron a buscar reconocimiento legal en el contexto del Derecho internacional de los derechos humanos, y especialmente dentro del sistema interamericano de derechos humanos. El progreso ha sido notable, incluidos distintos fallos de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, los cambios en los sistemas constitucionales y legales de los países de América Latina y el proyecto de las Naciones Unidas de la Declaración Internacional de los Derechos de los Afrodescendientes, como parte del Decenio Internacional de los Afrodescendientes (2015–2024). Sin embargo, todavía existen cuestiones conceptuales, técnicas y doctrinarias en la definición y estatus jurídico de los afrodescendientes bajo el Derecho internacional. ¿Quiénes son afrodescendientes en términos legales? Y, ¿cómo entendemos “afrodescendencia” dentro del contexto de los pueblos indígenas y tribales? En este ensayo, explico cómo diferentes organismos regionales en América Latina han interpretado progresivamente los derechos indígenas para superar la marginación de los afrodescendientes y describo algunos temas importantes que siguen sin estar claros a pesar de esta bienvenida evolución.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44129763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the Third World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance, held by the United Nations in Durban, South Africa, in 2001, an important movement emerged. The African diaspora communities in the Americas, or “Afro-descendants,” as they prefer to self-identify, began to seek legal recognition in the context of international human rights law, and especially within the inter-American human rights system. Progress has been remarkable, including the rulings of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, changes in the constitutional and legal systems of Latin American countries, and a UN draft of a Declaration of the Rights of People of African Descent, as part of the International Decade for People of African Descent (2015–2024). However, conceptual, technical, and doctrinal issues still exist in defining the legal agency of people of African descent under international law. Who are Afro-descendants in legal terms, and how do we understand “Afro-descendance” within the context of Indigenous and tribal peoples? In this essay, I explain how different regional bodies in Latin America have interpreted Indigenous rights progressively to overcome the marginalization of Afro-descendants, and address some important questions that remain unclear despite this welcome evolution.
{"title":"Latin American International Law and Afro-Descendant Peoples","authors":"John Herlyn Antón Sánchez","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.51","url":null,"abstract":"After the Third World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance, held by the United Nations in Durban, South Africa, in 2001, an important movement emerged. The African diaspora communities in the Americas, or “Afro-descendants,” as they prefer to self-identify, began to seek legal recognition in the context of international human rights law, and especially within the inter-American human rights system. Progress has been remarkable, including the rulings of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, changes in the constitutional and legal systems of Latin American countries, and a UN draft of a Declaration of the Rights of People of African Descent, as part of the International Decade for People of African Descent (2015–2024). However, conceptual, technical, and doctrinal issues still exist in defining the legal agency of people of African descent under international law. Who are Afro-descendants in legal terms, and how do we understand “Afro-descendance” within the context of Indigenous and tribal peoples? In this essay, I explain how different regional bodies in Latin America have interpreted Indigenous rights progressively to overcome the marginalization of Afro-descendants, and address some important questions that remain unclear despite this welcome evolution.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41931379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Latin America has always been central to the configuration, interpretation, and operation of the field of transitional justice. Starting in the late 1980s with contributions from scholars interested in democratic transitions after dictatorships in the Southern Cone, the 1996 signing of the Peace Agreement in Guatemala, and the Truth Commission in Peru, to the more recent case of Colombia, Latin American academics and activists have contributed significantly to the theory and practice of transitional justice. This essay explores a question central to recent transitional justice processes: the interaction and possible contradictions between the aim of ending a violent internal conflict and the demands imposed by international law. Colombia serves as an example. The Colombian case is informed by all previous experiences, but it is also novel because it is the first transitional justice process established in the region since the establishment of the International Criminal Court. Although the Colombian process is still being implemented and it is too early to claim its success or failure, the case offers important insights into the tense, complex, and overarching interactions between international law, internal peace, and transitional justice. This essay explores how local and external actors involved in negotiating and implementing the agreement presented international law as if it were univocal and universal, as if there were no competing interpretations within the discipline, and as if it were neutral in relation to local political discussions. Building upon this analysis, the goal is to shed light upon the ideological uses of international law.
{"title":"International Law and Transitional Justice: Exploring Some Challenges Through the Colombian Case","authors":"Helena Alviar-García, Laura Betancur-Restrepo","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.49","url":null,"abstract":"Latin America has always been central to the configuration, interpretation, and operation of the field of transitional justice. Starting in the late 1980s with contributions from scholars interested in democratic transitions after dictatorships in the Southern Cone, the 1996 signing of the Peace Agreement in Guatemala, and the Truth Commission in Peru, to the more recent case of Colombia, Latin American academics and activists have contributed significantly to the theory and practice of transitional justice. This essay explores a question central to recent transitional justice processes: the interaction and possible contradictions between the aim of ending a violent internal conflict and the demands imposed by international law. Colombia serves as an example. The Colombian case is informed by all previous experiences, but it is also novel because it is the first transitional justice process established in the region since the establishment of the International Criminal Court. Although the Colombian process is still being implemented and it is too early to claim its success or failure, the case offers important insights into the tense, complex, and overarching interactions between international law, internal peace, and transitional justice. This essay explores how local and external actors involved in negotiating and implementing the agreement presented international law as if it were univocal and universal, as if there were no competing interpretations within the discipline, and as if it were neutral in relation to local political discussions. Building upon this analysis, the goal is to shed light upon the ideological uses of international law.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45196191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the third volume of the American Journal of International Law , published in 1909, Chilean jurist Alejandro Álvarez fi rst laid out his argument for the existence of a Latin American international law in English. 1 His objec-tive, and the reason he chose to expound his ideas in AJIL , was to carve out a more prominent place for Latin America in the U.S.-led geopolitical order. 2 The article, subsequently turned into a book, became a manifesto not for a Latin American international law, but for a Pan-American international law — a regional legal order encom-passing the Americas in their entirety, with the United States at the helm. Pan-Americanism has since consolidated into an in fl uential and pervasive regional legal and political project, spawning key institutions and instruments, such as the 1933 Montevideo Convention, the Inter-American Development Bank, and the Organization of American States, among others. This symposium takes its inspiration from Álvarez ’ s regional thinking to reopen the inquiry into Latin American international law. In our time, the dynamics of regionalism have been changing quickly, as U.S. hegemony is checked by growing Chinese in fl uence and the rise of populist regimes. Several social movements, including Indigenous and environmental movements, have revealed the ways in which Pan-Americanism was not really “ Pan ” at all, but re fl ected the narrow interests of Latin American elites, mostly of creole ( “ criollo ” ) background. 3 These movements question the hegemony of creole elites and the primacy of their interests in the realm of international law. These and other transformations make it timely to explore the question of both the existence and potential of regional projects and practices in a new geopolitical era. This symposium brings together a diverse group of Latin American scholars to critically re fl ect on these changes. reshaping law and institutions at the international level, using litigation, rights discourse, and other legal-political tactics to advance their claims. The fi nal two essays touch on two challenges that distinguish the current context of international law, namely, the rise of authoritarian populism and the climate crisis. examine how actors in Colombia have engaged international law as they broker and implement the country ’ s 2016 Peace Agreement, which put an end to a fi ve-decade long armed con fl ict. 8 Their analysis emphasizes that international law did not provide a top-down prescription to local actors. Rather, local actors, such as judges, activists, and congressmembers were able to use international law arguments to advance their own agendas as they debated the peace process. The outcome was a transitional justice process highly attuned to international law norms and institutions, even as it was innovative, and even as it stretched those norms in new directions. The authors show how transitional justice norms are unsettled and resettled through domestic contestation using interna
{"title":"Introduction to the Symposium on Latin American International Law","authors":"Alejandro Chehtman, A. Huneeus, S. Puig","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.48","url":null,"abstract":"In the third volume of the American Journal of International Law , published in 1909, Chilean jurist Alejandro Álvarez fi rst laid out his argument for the existence of a Latin American international law in English. 1 His objec-tive, and the reason he chose to expound his ideas in AJIL , was to carve out a more prominent place for Latin America in the U.S.-led geopolitical order. 2 The article, subsequently turned into a book, became a manifesto not for a Latin American international law, but for a Pan-American international law — a regional legal order encom-passing the Americas in their entirety, with the United States at the helm. Pan-Americanism has since consolidated into an in fl uential and pervasive regional legal and political project, spawning key institutions and instruments, such as the 1933 Montevideo Convention, the Inter-American Development Bank, and the Organization of American States, among others. This symposium takes its inspiration from Álvarez ’ s regional thinking to reopen the inquiry into Latin American international law. In our time, the dynamics of regionalism have been changing quickly, as U.S. hegemony is checked by growing Chinese in fl uence and the rise of populist regimes. Several social movements, including Indigenous and environmental movements, have revealed the ways in which Pan-Americanism was not really “ Pan ” at all, but re fl ected the narrow interests of Latin American elites, mostly of creole ( “ criollo ” ) background. 3 These movements question the hegemony of creole elites and the primacy of their interests in the realm of international law. These and other transformations make it timely to explore the question of both the existence and potential of regional projects and practices in a new geopolitical era. This symposium brings together a diverse group of Latin American scholars to critically re fl ect on these changes. reshaping law and institutions at the international level, using litigation, rights discourse, and other legal-political tactics to advance their claims. The fi nal two essays touch on two challenges that distinguish the current context of international law, namely, the rise of authoritarian populism and the climate crisis. examine how actors in Colombia have engaged international law as they broker and implement the country ’ s 2016 Peace Agreement, which put an end to a fi ve-decade long armed con fl ict. 8 Their analysis emphasizes that international law did not provide a top-down prescription to local actors. Rather, local actors, such as judges, activists, and congressmembers were able to use international law arguments to advance their own agendas as they debated the peace process. The outcome was a transitional justice process highly attuned to international law norms and institutions, even as it was innovative, and even as it stretched those norms in new directions. The authors show how transitional justice norms are unsettled and resettled through domestic contestation using interna","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48702051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Una propuesta de Reglamento europeo de 2021 prohíbe el comercio de materias primas y productos relacionados con la deforestación en el mercado de la Unión Europa1. El Reglamento europeo dirige esta prohibición hacia su propio mercado, pero inevitablemente esto tiene consecuencias para los países productores de materias primas en América Latina. La propuesta de Reglamento impactará el intercambio con la Unión Europa, un socio comercial clave para los países latinoamericanos. Si otros Estados industrializados que representan actualmente la cuota más grande de exportaciones para los países latinoamericanos adoptan este tipo de reglamentos, el impacto comercial en América Latina será aún más significativo. Sostenemos que los enfoques regulatorios que se centran en las cadenas de suministro globales —como el Reglamento UE— representan una oportunidad para fortalecer la existente (aunque débil) cooperación ambiental latinoamericana, de manera de abordar las principales causas de la deforestación, principalmente la expansión agrícola. A pesar de la relevancia global de los bosques y la biodiversidad de la región, la cooperación latinoamericana en materia de conservación de bosques no ha sido significativa2.
{"title":"La Lucha Contra La Deforestación a Través De Las Cadenas De Suministro Globales: ¿Una Oportunidad De Reenfocar La Cooperación Ambiental En América Latina?","authors":"B. Garcia, Laurent Pauwels","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.60","url":null,"abstract":"Una propuesta de Reglamento europeo de 2021 prohíbe el comercio de materias primas y productos relacionados con la deforestación en el mercado de la Unión Europa1. El Reglamento europeo dirige esta prohibición hacia su propio mercado, pero inevitablemente esto tiene consecuencias para los países productores de materias primas en América Latina. La propuesta de Reglamento impactará el intercambio con la Unión Europa, un socio comercial clave para los países latinoamericanos. Si otros Estados industrializados que representan actualmente la cuota más grande de exportaciones para los países latinoamericanos adoptan este tipo de reglamentos, el impacto comercial en América Latina será aún más significativo. Sostenemos que los enfoques regulatorios que se centran en las cadenas de suministro globales —como el Reglamento UE— representan una oportunidad para fortalecer la existente (aunque débil) cooperación ambiental latinoamericana, de manera de abordar las principales causas de la deforestación, principalmente la expansión agrícola. A pesar de la relevancia global de los bosques y la biodiversidad de la región, la cooperación latinoamericana en materia de conservación de bosques no ha sido significativa2.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49303606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rescuing the “other woman” has been an intractable feature of international and human rights legal interventions. This rescue narrative configures the “other woman,” invariably third world or from the Global South, as left behind in the movement toward progress and modernity. Part of the solution envisages the rescue and incorporation of the “other woman” into liberal rights discourse—the teleological endpoint of emancipation. Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and postcolonial feminist critiques have exposed the racial and civilizational discourses that shape these rescue missions and the epistemic violence they engender. Using the example of the military invasion and occupation of Afghanistan from 2001–2021, I demonstrate how these discourses persist in contemporary women's human rights agendas and the carceral and securitized logics that they serve. I discuss the need to delink rights from rescue missions and the epistemic shifts required to move the critique in a meaningful and productive direction.
{"title":"“The First Feminist War in all of History”: Epistemic Shifts and Relinquishing the Mission to Rescue the “Other Woman”","authors":"R. Kapur","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.45","url":null,"abstract":"Rescuing the “other woman” has been an intractable feature of international and human rights legal interventions. This rescue narrative configures the “other woman,” invariably third world or from the Global South, as left behind in the movement toward progress and modernity. Part of the solution envisages the rescue and incorporation of the “other woman” into liberal rights discourse—the teleological endpoint of emancipation. Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and postcolonial feminist critiques have exposed the racial and civilizational discourses that shape these rescue missions and the epistemic violence they engender. Using the example of the military invasion and occupation of Afghanistan from 2001–2021, I demonstrate how these discourses persist in contemporary women's human rights agendas and the carceral and securitized logics that they serve. I discuss the need to delink rights from rescue missions and the epistemic shifts required to move the critique in a meaningful and productive direction.","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43478694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Critique (Boundaries),1 amidst observations about masculine bias in treaty law, co-authors Christine Chinkin and Hilary Charlesworth queried the masculine configuration, i.e., the gender of jus cogens or peremptory norms. A peremptory norm is “accepted and recognized by the international community . . . as a norm from which no derogation is permitted and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm of international law having the same character.”2 Interrogating whether jus cogens privileged the experiences of males over that of females, they challenged jus cogens’ presumed universality and its intended utility. Accepted peremptory norms, they averred, exerted a silencing, deleterious impact on core feminine values such as sexual equality or freedom from gender discrimination.3 Decades after the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties’ (VCLT) codification of jus cogens, the International Law Commission (ILC) reified a non-exhaustive list of peremptory norms that explicitly excluded gender-based discrimination.4 This essay proposes a “jus cogens redux” to revive Chinkin and Charlesworth's question by peering at several threads in the thwarted conversations about whether freedom from gender discrimination rises to peremptory norm status. The conversational threads lay tattered by positive law's reliance on enumerated treaty provisions and accepted precepts of customary international law. They are frayed by normative law's philosophical, moralists’ approach. Neither the positivist law nor the normative law's concepts of how to determine jus cogens values grapples with gender or gender minorities. By default, each retains a masculine approach that configures the gender of jus cogens as “non-female.”
{"title":"Jus Cogens: Redux","authors":"P. Sellers","doi":"10.1017/aju.2022.47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.47","url":null,"abstract":"In The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Critique (Boundaries),1 amidst observations about masculine bias in treaty law, co-authors Christine Chinkin and Hilary Charlesworth queried the masculine configuration, i.e., the gender of jus cogens or peremptory norms. A peremptory norm is “accepted and recognized by the international community . . . as a norm from which no derogation is permitted and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm of international law having the same character.”2 Interrogating whether jus cogens privileged the experiences of males over that of females, they challenged jus cogens’ presumed universality and its intended utility. Accepted peremptory norms, they averred, exerted a silencing, deleterious impact on core feminine values such as sexual equality or freedom from gender discrimination.3 Decades after the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties’ (VCLT) codification of jus cogens, the International Law Commission (ILC) reified a non-exhaustive list of peremptory norms that explicitly excluded gender-based discrimination.4 This essay proposes a “jus cogens redux” to revive Chinkin and Charlesworth's question by peering at several threads in the thwarted conversations about whether freedom from gender discrimination rises to peremptory norm status. The conversational threads lay tattered by positive law's reliance on enumerated treaty provisions and accepted precepts of customary international law. They are frayed by normative law's philosophical, moralists’ approach. Neither the positivist law nor the normative law's concepts of how to determine jus cogens values grapples with gender or gender minorities. By default, each retains a masculine approach that configures the gender of jus cogens as “non-female.”","PeriodicalId":36818,"journal":{"name":"AJIL Unbound","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44475465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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