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Review Of: Routledge Handbook of Transformative Global Studies 综述:Routledge全球变革研究手册
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-22 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1055
A. Wahlrab
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引用次数: 0
Review Of: Contesting the Global Order: The Radical Political Economy of Perry Anderson and Immanuel Wallerstein 评论:挑战全球秩序:Perry Anderson和Immanuel Wallerstein的激进政治经济学
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-22 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1052
Juho Korhonen
Gregory P. Williams’ goal is to make the case that Immanuel Wallerstein and Perry Anderson are exemplary scholars of Radical Political Economy, nudging them towards the discipline of political science. The author compares the two thinkers in order to outline an approach that is focused on systemic transformations of global politics and the “Really Big Questions,” which have once again become more pertinent in the wake of the many crises that began in 2008. Williams carries this effort through with conviction. Yet, this particular focus may have hidden from sight other considerations that could have strengthened the study. Williams’ account follows a chronological order starting with the very earliest works of Wallerstein and Anderson. The account is rich and skillfully uses both scholarly writings and other historical documents in drawing connections between the intellectual endeavors and historical contexts of Wallerstein and Anderson’s (W&A) careers. Laudably, it is the discovery and showcasing of these connections that propels Williams’ narrative forward, providing an enjoyable reading experience. Williams specifically focuses on three issues that he sees once more surfacing as relevant for thinking about alternative politics of the future. These are the analysis of totalities, the origins and operations of capitalism, and the role of agency. Out of the three, Williams’ best and indeed quite ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 27 Issue 1 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1052 | jwsr.pitt.edu
格雷戈里·p·威廉姆斯的目标是证明伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦和佩里·安德森是激进政治经济学的典范学者,将他们推向政治学学科。作者比较了两位思想家,以便勾勒出一种专注于全球政治的系统性转变和“真正的大问题”的方法,这些问题在2008年开始的许多危机之后再次变得更加相关。威廉姆斯以坚定的信念完成了这一努力。然而,这种特别的关注可能隐藏了其他可能加强研究的考虑因素。威廉姆斯的叙述按照时间顺序,从沃勒斯坦和安德森最早的作品开始。这本书内容丰富,巧妙地运用了学术著作和其他历史文献,将沃勒斯坦和安德森(W&A)职业生涯的学术努力与历史背景联系起来。值得称赞的是,正是对这些联系的发现和展示推动了威廉姆斯的叙事向前发展,提供了一种愉快的阅读体验。威廉姆斯特别关注了三个问题,他认为这三个问题再次浮出水面,与思考未来的另类政治有关。这些是对总体的分析,资本主义的起源和运作,以及机构的作用。在这三个人当中,威廉姆斯是最好的,而且确实相当的。ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 27 Issue 1 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1052 | jwsr.pitt.edu
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引用次数: 0
Review Of: The Global Police State 评论:全球警察国家
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-22 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1056
Zhandarka Kurti
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引用次数: 0
Blackness, Disposability, and the Black Spirit 黑人、可处置性与黑人精神
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-22 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1057
Marilyn Grell-Brisk
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引用次数: 0
Pre-Emptive Decline 移情前衰退
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1030
R. Denemark
Why do hegemonic powers appear to have so few viable policy levers with which to cope with their fears of decline, and often adopt policies that are least well-suited, if not antithetical to the task? In this work I suggest that status threat generates a set of typical and quite maladaptive responses at both the individual/organizational level, and in the context of popular political culture, that exacerbate decline. This phenomenon, “pre-emptive decline,” is evident in both elite-driven policy and mass political responses and is reviewed here in maladaptive courses of action adopted in 19th century Britain, and in the contemporary United States.
为什么霸权国家似乎没有多少可行的政策手段来应对它们对衰落的恐惧,而且经常采取最不合适的政策,如果不是与任务背道而驰的话?在这项工作中,我认为地位威胁在个人/组织层面和流行政治文化背景下产生了一系列典型的、相当不适应的反应,这些反应加剧了衰落。这种现象,“先发制人的衰落”,在精英驱动的政策和大众政治反应中都很明显,并在19世纪英国和当代美国采取的不适应行动中进行了回顾。
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引用次数: 0
Starting a Dialogue: From Radical Criminology to Critical Resistance 开启对话:从激进犯罪学到批判抵抗
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1051
Zhandarka Kurti
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引用次数: 1
Policing Asylum Seekers’ Flight Within Europe 监管欧洲境内寻求庇护者的航班
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1024
Tom Montel
A critical assessment of the Dublin regulation requires a look beyond its official function of allocating asylum seekers across EU Member States. This article argues it embodies the “hidden face” of Schengen insofar as it legally fixes them in the sole country responsible for their application. Because this responsibility lies primarily with the first country of arrival, it is consistent with the core-periphery axis of division of labor in the EU. The first part of this paper examines how the Schengen/Dublin dual regime of (im)mobility might respond to the constant need for bridled labor alongside free wage labor in the world-system. However, equally constant is labor power’s propensity to evade its subsumption under capital; this is exemplified by Dubliners’ appropriation of freedom of movement through irregularity. By deserting the “plantations” of the European peripheries, those “maroons” of our present time disrupt the European geography of power and contest their assigned position in it. But the widely acknowledged failure of this regime to deter “secondary movements” does not necessarily mean it is non-effective. Attention must then be given to mechanisms of “exclusion from within” experimented on Dubliners. The second part will offer an overview of the tactics of internal rebordering that have been recently deployed in core countries and question the extent to which those attempts to recapture their flight meet the conditions for the optimization of capital’s operations.
对都柏林条例进行批判性评估需要超越其在欧盟成员国之间分配寻求庇护者的官方职能。这篇文章认为,它体现了申根的“隐藏面”,因为它在法律上将它们固定在对其申请负责的唯一国家。由于这一责任主要在于第一个到达国,因此与欧盟的核心-外围分工轴一致。本文的第一部分考察了申根/都柏林双重流动制度如何应对世界体系中对束缚劳动力和自由工资劳动力的持续需求。然而,同样不变的是劳动力逃避资本包容的倾向;都柏林人通过不规则行为侵占行动自由就是例证。通过放弃欧洲周边的“种植园”,我们这个时代的那些“放逐者”扰乱了欧洲的权力地理,并对他们在其中的既定地位提出了质疑。但这个政权在阻止“二次运动”方面的失败并不一定意味着它是无效的。然后必须注意在都柏林人身上试验的“内部排斥”机制。第二部分将概述最近在核心国家部署的内部重新预订策略,并质疑这些夺回航班的尝试在多大程度上符合资本运营优化的条件。
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引用次数: 0
Investigating the Asymmetric Core/Periphery Structure of International Labor Time Flows 国际劳动时间流的非对称核心/外围结构研究
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1006
Junfu Zhao
This paper studies the core/periphery hierarchy of the capitalist world-economy in the current globalization era. The central and novel argument is that the network of international labor time flows reveals the core/periphery hierarchy of the world-economy with regard to the international division of labor. Based on the analysis of the labor time network of forty economies from the world input-output table, I find that the core/periphery structure of the world-economy has in large part remained unaltered for 1995-2009, though the asymmetry of international labor time flows decreased slightly between 2003-2009. Through regression analysis, I find that per capita income of a country is strongly associated with its command over global labor time. The regression analysis also lends evidence to the existence of oligarchic wealth. This wealth is not available to all countries, implying that the struggle of a country to improve its position in the capitalist world-economy tends to put downward pressure on the income of other countries.
本文研究了当前全球化时代资本主义世界经济的核心/外围层次。核心和新颖的论点是,国际劳动力时间流动网络揭示了世界经济在国际分工方面的核心/外围层次。根据世界投入产出表对40个经济体的劳动时间网络的分析,我发现1995-2009年世界经济的核心/外围结构在很大程度上保持不变,尽管国际劳动时间流动的不对称性在2003-2009年间略有下降。通过回归分析,我发现一个国家的人均收入与其在全球劳动时间内的指挥力密切相关。回归分析也为寡头财富的存在提供了证据。并非所有国家都能获得这种财富,这意味着一个国家为提高其在资本主义世界经济中的地位而进行的斗争往往会给其他国家的收入带来下行压力。
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引用次数: 3
Remarks on Challenging Capitalist Modernity 论对资本主义现代性的挑战
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1044
I. Wallerstein
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引用次数: 0
All Economies are Ultimately Human Economies 所有经济最终都是人类经济
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1043
D. Graeber
Or, what are the material conditions that would produce the kind of people one would most wish to have as friends? They asked me to talk about human economies which is a phrase that actually originally developed in a book about anthropology. Noticing that money is used very different ways in different economies that anthropologists observed. There are places where money is used, as we do, primarily to get goods and services. There is also places where money is used mainly to rearrange social relations and you can’t buy and sell anything. An idea which is extremely odd and unfamiliar to most people. So I decided to call these human economies. But in a larger sense it occurs to me that all economies are really human economies. The strange thing about capitalism is that it is the only system that can make us forget this. And I was particularly struck by the confluence and thinking on this when I was in Rojava.
或者,什么样的物质条件才能产生人们最希望成为朋友的人?他们让我谈谈人类经济,这是一个最初出现在一本关于人类学的书中的短语。注意到人类学家观察到,在不同的经济体中,货币的使用方式非常不同。有些地方和我们一样,资金主要用于获得商品和服务。还有一些地方的钱主要用来重新安排社会关系,你不能买卖任何东西。这个想法对大多数人来说是非常奇怪和陌生的。所以我决定把这些称为人类经济。但在更大的意义上,我突然想到,所有的经济体都是真正的人类经济体。资本主义的奇怪之处在于,它是唯一能让我们忘记这一点的制度。当我在罗贾瓦的时候,我特别被这种融合和思考所打动。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of World-Systems Research
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