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All Things Arabia: Arabian Identity and Material Culture 阿拉伯的一切:阿拉伯人的身份和物质文化
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2082800
A. Bounia
Archives at St Antony’s College, Oxford, which possesses a unique collection of papers on Oman and its armed forces. Supposedly books like this are subjected to rigorous editorial controls but there are numerous avoidable anomalies, including phrases such as “styptic defence vote” (p. 73), the inconsistent spelling of names (Glen/Glencairn Balfour-Paul rather than Hugh, p. 174, note 105, page 179, note 130) and titles (Peter Tripp was not British ambassador to Jordan, p. 228), and some of the references are not included in the bibliography (Imperial War Museum, p. 97, note 115). As such, this is a book of omissions as much as it is a historic telling and partial and limited as a result.
牛津大学圣安东尼学院的档案馆,拥有关于阿曼及其武装部队的独特文件收藏。按理说,像这样的书受到严格的编辑控制,但有许多可以避免的异常,包括短语,如“保守的防御投票”(第73页),名字的拼写不一致(格伦/格伦凯恩·鲍尔弗-保罗,而不是Hugh,第174页,注释105页,第179页,注释130页)和标题(彼得·特里普不是英国驻约旦大使,228页),一些参考文献没有包括在参考书目中(帝国战争博物馆,第97页,注释115)。因此,这是一本遗漏的书,因为它是一个历史的讲述和部分和有限的结果。
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引用次数: 1
AGAPS Biennial Book Award 2021 2021年AGAPS双年图书奖
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2199372
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引用次数: 0
De-Theocratizing the State? The Debate over the Civil State (Dawla Madaniyya) Model in Saudi Arabia 去神权化国家?沙特阿拉伯公民国家(Dawla Madaniyya)模式之争
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2222443
Limor Lavie
Abstract Since the Arab uprisings, the ambiguous notion of a civil state (dawla madaniyya) has been gaining a foothold in many Arab states as the ideal state model, at the official and popular levels. Even Saudi Arabia has heard voices advocating a civil state. Whereas such voices were evident in critical newspaper columns, which raised countercriticism by the Saudi religious orthodoxy during the 2000s and 2010s, recently Crown Prince Muḥammad bin Salmān Āl Saʿūd has been increasingly portrayed in the Saudi media as directing the Kingdom toward a modern Islamic civil state, indicating a possible change in the perception of this concept. This article offers a contextual analysis of the Saudi intellectual polemic on the civil state model, which has been taking place for the past fifteen years, its development, meanings, and prospects. The article will also consider the implications of the long-standing debate over the civil state idea taking place in Egypt on the short-lived Saudi contestation, in an effort to enhance the overall understanding of the conception of the civil state in the Arab world.
自阿拉伯起义以来,公民国家(dawla madaniyya)这个模糊的概念在许多阿拉伯国家作为理想国家模式,在官方和民间层面上获得了立足点。就连沙特阿拉伯也听到了主张建立公民国家的声音。虽然这些声音在2000年代和2010年代的批评性报纸专栏中很明显,这引起了沙特宗教正统派的反批评,但最近沙特媒体越来越多地将王储Muḥammad本Salmān Āl萨伊ūd描绘为引导王国走向现代伊斯兰公民国家,这表明对这一概念的看法可能发生变化。本文对过去15年来沙特知识界对公民国家模式的争论、其发展、意义和前景进行了背景分析。本文还将考虑在埃及发生的关于公民国家概念的长期争论对短暂的沙特争论的影响,以加强对阿拉伯世界公民国家概念的整体理解。
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引用次数: 0
ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl Saʿūd’s Other Campaign: Propaganda in the Making of the Modern Saudi State, 1918–1932 《阿卜杜勒·阿尔-阿尔-阿尔·阿兹<e:1> Āl萨·ūd的另一场运动:1918-1932年现代沙特国家形成中的宣传》
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2207711
Relli Shechter
Abstract This article focuses on the propaganda campaign that advisors to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl Saʿūd (“Ibn Saud”) –– emir, later sultan, of Najd and, later again, king of Najd and Hijaz, and finally king of Saudi Arabia –– engaged in between 1918 and 1932. It argues that this prolonged campaign was as crucial to the establishment of the state as the sultan’s military conquest of the land. I term this a “campaign” because it was a connected attempt, having constant, clear messages emphasising ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s positive leadership qualities, his reformist, modernising intent, and a positive representation of Wahhabism. It also disparaged his enemies and emphasised the natural unity of his recently conquered land. The campaign was central to persuading regional and global powers of the viability of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s state-making project, and later, to gaining official diplomatic recognition of the Saudi state. The article studies this unfolding campaign through analysis of autobiographies, memoirs, travel and history books and articles written by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s advisors; critical engagement with recent ample information on these advisors found on Saudi websites and in Saudi history books and the press; and US diplomatic correspondence.
本文重点介绍了1918年至1932年间,伊本·沙特的埃米尔,后来的纳伊德苏丹,后来又成为纳伊德和希贾兹的国王,最后成为沙特阿拉伯的国王,他的顾问们所进行的宣传运动。它认为,这场旷日持久的战役与苏丹对土地的军事征服一样,对国家的建立至关重要。我称这是一次“运动”,因为这是一次相互关联的尝试,有持续的、明确的信息,强调阿卜杜勒-阿兹基积极的领导品质,他的改革、现代化意图,以及对瓦哈比主义的积极代表。它还贬低了他的敌人,并强调了他最近征服的土地的自然统一。这场运动是说服地区和全球大国相信阿卜杜勒-阿兹扎尔的建国计划的可行性,以及后来获得沙特官方外交承认的关键。本文通过分析阿卜杜拉·阿兹奇的顾问撰写的自传、回忆录、旅行和历史书籍以及文章来研究这场正在展开的战役;批判性地接触最近在沙特网站、沙特历史书籍和媒体上发现的有关这些顾问的大量信息;以及美国的外交信函。
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引用次数: 0
Security in the Gulf: Local Militaries before British Withdrawal 海湾地区的安全:英国撤军前的地方军队
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2082801
Tancred Bradshaw
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Exception: New Interpretations of the Arabian Peninsula 超越例外:对阿拉伯半岛的新解读
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2082803
Jörg Matthias Determann
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引用次数: 1
Transnational Identity and Foreign Policy: Tribal Identity and the Gulf Crisis 跨国认同与外交政策:部落认同与海湾危机
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2225669
Abdulla Al-Etaibi
Abstract The 2017 Gulf crisis has been largely framed as a diplomatic and economic one. However, the involvement of tribal identity in the foreign policy responses of Gulf states also made it a socio-political crisis. This paper adopts role identity theory as a framework for analysing how domestic politics and culture shaped international relations among GCC states during the crisis. According to this framework, tribal identity becomes operative in foreign policy when states can present themselves as fulfilling roles that distinguish them within a regional or international state system. Gulf states adopted new role identities defined in terms of tribe and tribal identity that then shaped the formulation and implementation of their diplomatic policies. During the crisis, Saudi Arabia adopted the role identity of tribe protector to undermine sovereign boundaries. The Qatari government on the other hand adopted the role of national unifier, rejecting tribal identity and ideologies. The implications of mobilising tribes are examined from the regime survival perspective, particularly scrutinising the gradual consolidation of the Qatari national identity to reduce risks posed to the regime.
2017年的海湾危机在很大程度上被认为是一场外交和经济危机。然而,部落身份在海湾国家外交政策反应中的参与也使其成为一场社会政治危机。本文以角色认同理论为框架,分析危机期间国内政治和文化对海合会国家间国际关系的影响。根据这一框架,部落认同在外交政策中发挥作用时,国家可以表现出自己在地区或国际国家体系中发挥的作用。海湾国家采用了以部落和部落身份定义的新角色身份,这些身份塑造了它们外交政策的制定和实施。在危机期间,沙特阿拉伯采取了部落保护者的角色身份来破坏主权边界。另一方面,卡塔尔政府采取了民族统一的角色,拒绝部落身份和意识形态。从政权生存的角度考察了动员部落的影响,特别是审查了卡塔尔国家认同的逐步巩固,以减少对政权构成的风险。
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引用次数: 0
State Discourses on Women’s Empowerment in Qatar: The “Ideal Qatari Woman” as a Neoliberal Feminist Subject 卡塔尔女性赋权的国家话语:作为新自由主义女权主义主体的“理想卡塔尔女性”
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2199371
Alainna Liloia
Abstract This article analyzes contemporary state discourse on women’s empowerment in Qatar as embodied in state documents, government-run public relations campaigns, and the media output of state-run or state-sanctioned institutions. Through the lens of critical discourse analysis, the article demonstrates how the Qatari state’s political rhetoric conflates women’s professional advancement with national progress and constructs the “ideal Qatari woman” as a neoliberal feminist subject. With particular attention to the rhetoric found in the state-run magazine Q Life, the article argues that the Qatari state is promoting a model of women’s empowerment that merges transnational paradigms of neoliberal feminism with nationalist ideals of loyalty and patriotism and presents the ideal “Qatari woman” as a neoliberal feminist subject who contributes to her state’s national development through her own professional development and fulfillment.
摘要本文分析了卡塔尔当代关于妇女赋权的国家话语,这些话语体现在国家文件、政府公关活动以及国有或国家认可机构的媒体输出中。本文透过批判性话语分析的镜头,展示卡塔尔政府的政治修辞如何将女性的职业发展与国家进步混为一谈,并建构“理想的卡塔尔女性”作为新自由主义的女性主义主体。文章特别关注官方杂志《Q Life》中的修辞,认为卡塔尔政府正在推广一种女性赋权的模式,这种模式将新自由主义女权主义的跨国范式与民族主义的忠诚和爱国主义理想融合在一起,并将理想中的“卡塔尔女性”呈现为新自由主义女权主义主体,通过自身的职业发展和成就为国家的国家发展做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Oil Men, Territorial Ambitions and Political Agents: From Pearls to Oil in the Trucial States of the Gulf 石油大亨、领土野心和政治代理人:从珍珠到海湾战争国家的石油
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2082804
J. Peterson
It is doubly rewarding when a detailed account of the oil history of what was previously known as the Trucial Coast or Trucial States (and now as the United Arab Emirates) is presented by someone who has himself been a part of that history. David Heard’s painstakingly researched work, Oil Men, Territorial Ambitions and Political Agents, is less a conventional narrative of the history of the pursuit of oil in the Trucial States than a comprehensive synopsis of and comments on reports, letters, maps, and other archival materials produced by oil company executives, British government officials, and local political leaders. The author, who first arrived in Abu Dhabi in 1963 as a petroleum engineer and has lived there ever since, expertly ties the documentary record together with his own observations, anecdotes, and conclusions. He declares in his preface that “My chief aim is to make available to the people of the Emirates and to anyone else who is interested, the reports written by the first ‘oil men’ to come to the Trucial Coast, and which are contained in the company archives” (p. xix). This work is a second installment in the author’s coverage of the subject. Heard’s earlier From Pearls to Oil followed a similar format as this book but focused on an earlier period, running from the inception of the search for oil in the 1920s and 1930s until the outbreak of war in 1939. Heard also subsequently edited two compendia of reports and diaries of oil company representatives involved with the Trucial Coast. The present two-volume work concentrates on the period from 1937–1939, when concession agreements were signed with various rulers of Trucial States, until the end of 1955. The first volume consists of short passages, each with its own title, grouped in a dozen chapters, which are arranged chronologically. The author alternates snippets on Trucial States history, society, and specific locales, with short descriptions of historical events, pen portraits of key people in Abu Dhabi’s oil background, and explanations of oil exploration and drilling techniques. The strength lies in the author’s access to and reliance on the archives of the Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC), enabling him to tell his story in exceeding detail. IPC operated locally under the name of Petroleum Development (Trucial Coast), or PD(TC) for short, which became the Abu Dhabi Petroleum Company in 1960 and then the Abu Dhabi Company for Onshore Oil Operations in 1979. He also draws upon some academic works and especially published memoirs. Volume One also includes a short chronology and a brief bibliography of published works. There are also eight reproductions of maps, consisting of the explorer Wilfred Thesiger’s map of Abu Dhabi shaykhdom as well as company maps of Abu Dhabi, al-Buraymi, Liwa, and Dubai. There are also 22 historic photographs ranging from scenes of Abu Dhabi in the 1940s to
以前被称为特鲁西尔海岸或特鲁西尔国(现在被称为阿拉伯联合酋长国)的石油历史的详细描述,是由自己也是这段历史的一部分的人提出的,这是加倍有益的。大卫·希尔德呕心研究的著作《石油人、领土野心和政治代理人》与其说是对特鲁西尔国家追求石油的历史的传统叙述,不如说是对石油公司高管、英国政府官员和当地政治领导人制作的报告、信件、地图和其他档案材料的综合摘要和评论。作者于1963年作为一名石油工程师首次来到阿布扎比,此后一直生活在那里,他熟练地将文献记录与自己的观察、轶事和结论联系在一起。他在前言中宣称:“我的主要目的是向阿联酋人民和任何感兴趣的人提供第一批来到特鲁西尔海岸的‘石油工人’所写的报告,这些报告都保存在公司的档案中”(第19页)。这本书是作者关于这个主题的第二部分。希尔德早期的《从珍珠到石油》遵循了与本书类似的格式,但关注的是更早的时期,从20世纪20年代和30年代开始寻找石油到1939年战争爆发。希尔德随后还编辑了两本有关特鲁西尔海岸石油公司代表的报告和日记的汇编。目前的两卷本著作集中于1937年至1939年期间,当时与特鲁西尔国家的各个统治者签订了租界协定,直到1955年底。第一卷由简短的段落组成,每个段落都有自己的标题,分成十几个章节,按时间顺序排列。作者交替讲述了阿拉伯国家的历史、社会和具体地点,并对历史事件进行了简短的描述,对阿布扎比石油背景中的关键人物进行了笔录,并解释了石油勘探和钻井技术。作者的长处在于他接触并依靠了伊拉克石油公司(IPC)的档案,使他能够极其详细地讲述他的故事。IPC在当地以石油开发公司(Trucial Coast)或简称PD(TC)的名义运营,1960年更名为阿布扎比石油公司,1979年更名为阿布扎比陆上石油公司。他还借鉴了一些学术著作,特别是出版的回忆录。第一卷还包括一个简短的年表和出版作品的简要参考书目。还有八幅地图的复制品,包括探险家威尔弗雷德·塞西格绘制的阿布扎比酋长国地图,以及阿布扎比、al-Buraymi、利瓦和迪拜的公司地图。还有22张历史照片,从20世纪40年代的阿布扎比到现在
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引用次数: 0
Shifting Cyberfeminism and Gendered Activisms in the Gulf: A Saudi Feminist Spring? 海湾地区网络女权主义和性别激进主义的转变:沙特女权主义之春?
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2022.2207238
Sahar Khamis
Abstract This qualitative feminist study sheds light on women’s shifting identities, struggles, and resistances in the most conservative Gulf state, Saudi Arabia, unpacking the shifting socio-political and mediated environments in this country and their impact on gendered activism. Through conducting in-depth interviews with ten Saudi women activists, journalists, and writers, this study investigates Saudi women’s multiple feminisms and activisms, as they are expressed and enacted by different women using the phenomenon of “cyberactivism”, and its sister phenomenon of “cyberfeminism”, to participate in the waves of socio-political transformation in the volatile Gulf region. In discussing how Saudi women are leveraging social media to advance their agendas, amplify their voices, highlight their demands, and enact new forms of leadership, agency, and empowerment, the double-edged sword effect of social media is unpacked. Adopting a postcolonial feminist approach, this study examines the potentials, challenges, and paradoxes of using social media to advance Saudi women’s rights in a rapidly shifting state.
本定性女权主义研究揭示了沙特阿拉伯这个最保守的海湾国家中女性身份、斗争和反抗的转变,揭示了这个国家不断变化的社会政治和中介环境及其对性别激进主义的影响。通过对十位沙特女性活动家、记者和作家的深度访谈,本研究调查了沙特女性的多重女权主义和激进主义,这些女权主义和激进主义是由不同的女性利用“网络激进主义”及其姊妹现象“网络女权主义”来表达和实施的,以参与动荡的海湾地区的社会政治转型浪潮。在讨论沙特女性如何利用社群媒体推进她们的议程、扩大她们的声音、强调她们的要求,以及制定新的领导、代理和赋权形式时,社群媒体的双刃剑效应得以展现。本研究采用后殖民女权主义的方法,探讨了在快速变化的国家中使用社交媒体促进沙特妇女权利的潜力、挑战和悖论。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Arabian Studies
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