Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227518
Susan E. Zimmermann
ABSTRACT This exploratory article discusses the politics of promoting women’s trade unionism in Hungary and at the World Federation of Trade Unions from the late 1940s to the late 1950s. It examines the factors that propelled and restricted the development of these politics on, and shaped their travel between, the workplace and the national and international scales. In Hungary, a network of women trade unionists combined their alignment with the political and productivist sides of the project of “building socialism” with activities aimed at the cultural and social “elevation” of women workers and the promotion of their trade unionism. On the international plane, the position of the Central and Eastern European politics of women’s trade unionism was likewise, though very differently, impacted by the emphasis on “building socialism.” Within the women’s politics pursued by the WFTU internationally, the distinctions made between socialist, capitalist, and colonial countries translated into rather restrictive roles envisioned for Central European women’s trade unionism. For a variety of reasons, which were related to all scales of action, the connection between the WFTU’s politics of promoting women’s trade unionism and the activities developed by the Hungarian women trade unionists remained rather weak during the period.
{"title":"Spurring Women to Action? Communist-led Women’s Trade Unionism Between the Hungarian Shop Floor and Top-level Internationalism, 1947 to 1959","authors":"Susan E. Zimmermann","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2227518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2227518","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This exploratory article discusses the politics of promoting women’s trade unionism in Hungary and at the World Federation of Trade Unions from the late 1940s to the late 1950s. It examines the factors that propelled and restricted the development of these politics on, and shaped their travel between, the workplace and the national and international scales. In Hungary, a network of women trade unionists combined their alignment with the political and productivist sides of the project of “building socialism” with activities aimed at the cultural and social “elevation” of women workers and the promotion of their trade unionism. On the international plane, the position of the Central and Eastern European politics of women’s trade unionism was likewise, though very differently, impacted by the emphasis on “building socialism.” Within the women’s politics pursued by the WFTU internationally, the distinctions made between socialist, capitalist, and colonial countries translated into rather restrictive roles envisioned for Central European women’s trade unionism. For a variety of reasons, which were related to all scales of action, the connection between the WFTU’s politics of promoting women’s trade unionism and the activities developed by the Hungarian women trade unionists remained rather weak during the period.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"339 - 362"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42078481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227521
Florin Poenaru
{"title":"Inventing the social in Romania 1848–1914. Networks and laboratories of knowledge","authors":"Florin Poenaru","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2227521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2227521","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"481 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42918300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2216499
G. Yordanova, E. Markova
ABSTRACT The main focus of this article is to shed light on the challenges to the work-life balance (WLB) caused by school closures due to lockdowns in Bulgaria. Both paid and unpaid jobs occur intensively in the family environment due to anti-epidemic measures of physical distancing. School closures introduce a novel element of unpaid work: intensive parental participation in the educational process during distance schooling, which requires additional competencies, time and effort, as well as the need to reconcile work with these new obligations. The analysis is based on original CAWI pseudo-longitudinal surveys, conducted during the first (April-May 2020) and second lockdowns (November-December 2020) in Bulgaria, as well as data on changes in personal contacts with family and friends, help given and received, personal care given and received from SHARE Survey, Wave 8 COVID-19 Survey 1 (July-August 2020). Terminological distinction is made between online and distance learning, because the pressures on parents vary. A push-pull model is elaborated, which could influence coping patterns when children are in home schooling due to lockdowns. The main coping pattern observed is that families were better prepared for the second lockdown, because by this time they had grandparents living in the same household.
{"title":"Work-life balance and parental coping patterns during home schooling as a result of Covid-19 lockdowns: empirical evidence from Bulgaria","authors":"G. Yordanova, E. Markova","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2216499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2216499","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The main focus of this article is to shed light on the challenges to the work-life balance (WLB) caused by school closures due to lockdowns in Bulgaria. Both paid and unpaid jobs occur intensively in the family environment due to anti-epidemic measures of physical distancing. School closures introduce a novel element of unpaid work: intensive parental participation in the educational process during distance schooling, which requires additional competencies, time and effort, as well as the need to reconcile work with these new obligations. The analysis is based on original CAWI pseudo-longitudinal surveys, conducted during the first (April-May 2020) and second lockdowns (November-December 2020) in Bulgaria, as well as data on changes in personal contacts with family and friends, help given and received, personal care given and received from SHARE Survey, Wave 8 COVID-19 Survey 1 (July-August 2020). Terminological distinction is made between online and distance learning, because the pressures on parents vary. A push-pull model is elaborated, which could influence coping patterns when children are in home schooling due to lockdowns. The main coping pattern observed is that families were better prepared for the second lockdown, because by this time they had grandparents living in the same household.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"429 - 445"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46305990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2228066
Rosa Vasilaki, G. Souvlis
ABSTRACT This article examines the far-right discourses on gender in Greece focusing on two historical moments, namely the period between 1936 and 1941 when Greece was governed by the authoritarian regime of general Ioannis Metaxas, and the period between 2010 and 2022 which was defined by the Greek-government debt crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic and the 2021-2022 global energy crisis. It aims to demonstrate the instrumental logic lurking behind the gender rhetoric employed by the Far Right and bring to the fore both points of convergence and divergence. With regards to the Metaxas regime the article discusses the contradictions marking the official propaganda on women which seems to oscillate between deeply rooted conservative ideas on women’s role on the one hand, and the promotion of new ideals of femininity on the other hand. Fast-forward to today, the article examines the ways gender issues are manipulated by the emerging Alt Right in Greece. Via the theoretical lens of femonationalism and homonationalism, the article brings to the fore the contradictions between the breakthroughs with regards to feminist and LGBTQI demands on the one hand, and the systematic attempts to reintroduce an ultra-conservative agenda with regards to gender issues in Greece on the other hand.
{"title":"Instrumentalizing gender: from interwar fascism to the Alt Right in Greece","authors":"Rosa Vasilaki, G. Souvlis","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2228066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2228066","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the far-right discourses on gender in Greece focusing on two historical moments, namely the period between 1936 and 1941 when Greece was governed by the authoritarian regime of general Ioannis Metaxas, and the period between 2010 and 2022 which was defined by the Greek-government debt crisis, the Covid-19 pandemic and the 2021-2022 global energy crisis. It aims to demonstrate the instrumental logic lurking behind the gender rhetoric employed by the Far Right and bring to the fore both points of convergence and divergence. With regards to the Metaxas regime the article discusses the contradictions marking the official propaganda on women which seems to oscillate between deeply rooted conservative ideas on women’s role on the one hand, and the promotion of new ideals of femininity on the other hand. Fast-forward to today, the article examines the ways gender issues are manipulated by the emerging Alt Right in Greece. Via the theoretical lens of femonationalism and homonationalism, the article brings to the fore the contradictions between the breakthroughs with regards to feminist and LGBTQI demands on the one hand, and the systematic attempts to reintroduce an ultra-conservative agenda with regards to gender issues in Greece on the other hand.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"447 - 466"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41551971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-22DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2198831
Y. Savelyev
ABSTRACT This paper contributes to the scholarship on a war which was started in 2014 with the Russian annexation of the Crimea and combat in Eastern Ukraine. Most of the studies fell short of labelling it correctly, revealing causes and suggesting possible solutions because they did not consider the conflict in the broader perspective of Russian-Ukrainian relations. One of the reasons of this failure is a narrative about Ukrainian society which is created and spread by Russian politicians, diplomats, academics, and the media. This narrative has evolved to legitimize the Russian large-scale invasion by labelling it as “a special military operation.” Based on the data available, the paper provides a deconstruction of the current narrative, identifying its four main claims, and demonstrates that the declared premises are false. The realization of profound intentions aimed at imposing its own rule, which are embedded in the Russian narrative, means reversing a historical process of long-term national development and is only possible through the genocide of population of Ukraine within a sorely repressive occupation regime. Hence, the Russian colonial war against Ukraine is not justifiable, has disastrous and enduring consequences, and cannot be tolerated.
{"title":"Untruthful claims, real war, dire consequences: understanding the narrative of the Russian invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Y. Savelyev","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2198831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2198831","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper contributes to the scholarship on a war which was started in 2014 with the Russian annexation of the Crimea and combat in Eastern Ukraine. Most of the studies fell short of labelling it correctly, revealing causes and suggesting possible solutions because they did not consider the conflict in the broader perspective of Russian-Ukrainian relations. One of the reasons of this failure is a narrative about Ukrainian society which is created and spread by Russian politicians, diplomats, academics, and the media. This narrative has evolved to legitimize the Russian large-scale invasion by labelling it as “a special military operation.” Based on the data available, the paper provides a deconstruction of the current narrative, identifying its four main claims, and demonstrates that the declared premises are false. The realization of profound intentions aimed at imposing its own rule, which are embedded in the Russian narrative, means reversing a historical process of long-term national development and is only possible through the genocide of population of Ukraine within a sorely repressive occupation regime. Hence, the Russian colonial war against Ukraine is not justifiable, has disastrous and enduring consequences, and cannot be tolerated.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"467 - 480"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47127584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-22DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2194137
Yuriy Savelyev
This paper reviews the scholarship on a war which was started in 2014 with the Russian annexation of the Crimea and combat in Eastern Ukraine. Most of the studies fell short of labelling it correctly, revealing causes and suggesting possible solutions because they did not consider the conflict in the broader perspective of Russian–Ukrainian relations. One of the reasons of this failure is a narrative about Ukrainian society which is created and spread by Russian politicians, diplomats, academics and the media. This narrative has evolved to legitimize the Russian large-scale invasion by labelling it as “a special military operation.” Based on the data available the paper provides a deconstruction of the current narrative, identifying its four main claims, and demonstrates that the declared premises are false. The realization of profound intentions aimed at imposing its own rule, which are embedded in the Russian narrative, means reversing a historical process of long-term national development and is only possible through the genocide of population of Ukraine within a sorely repressive occupation regime. Hence, the Russian colonial war against Ukraine is not justifiable, has disastrous and enduring consequences and cannot be tolerated.
{"title":"Untruthful claims, real war, dire consequences: understanding the narrative of the Russian Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Yuriy Savelyev","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2194137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2194137","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reviews the scholarship on a war which was started in 2014 with the Russian annexation of the Crimea and combat in Eastern Ukraine. Most of the studies fell short of labelling it correctly, revealing causes and suggesting possible solutions because they did not consider the conflict in the broader perspective of Russian–Ukrainian relations. One of the reasons of this failure is a narrative about Ukrainian society which is created and spread by Russian politicians, diplomats, academics and the media. This narrative has evolved to legitimize the Russian large-scale invasion by labelling it as “a special military operation.” Based on the data available the paper provides a deconstruction of the current narrative, identifying its four main claims, and demonstrates that the declared premises are false. The realization of profound intentions aimed at imposing its own rule, which are embedded in the Russian narrative, means reversing a historical process of long-term national development and is only possible through the genocide of population of Ukraine within a sorely repressive occupation regime. Hence, the Russian colonial war against Ukraine is not justifiable, has disastrous and enduring consequences and cannot be tolerated.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"420 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136196014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2182513
Izabel Galliera
(self-)administration” (p. 300). These contradictions, however, are not weaknesses but rather signs of fluid communicative processes. The contributions to this stimulating volume demonstrate the mechanisms with which mostly right-wing political actors reinterpreted 1989. It is to be hoped that the findings will be well received not only by academics, but also by politicians, and the media, because the consequences of homogenizing, nationalistic, and racist reinterpretations of 1989 will continue to preoccupy society for a long time to come.
{"title":"The Postsocialist Contemporary: The Institutionalization of Artistic Practice in Eastern Europe after 1989","authors":"Izabel Galliera","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2182513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2182513","url":null,"abstract":"(self-)administration” (p. 300). These contradictions, however, are not weaknesses but rather signs of fluid communicative processes. The contributions to this stimulating volume demonstrate the mechanisms with which mostly right-wing political actors reinterpreted 1989. It is to be hoped that the findings will be well received not only by academics, but also by politicians, and the media, because the consequences of homogenizing, nationalistic, and racist reinterpretations of 1989 will continue to preoccupy society for a long time to come.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"151 - 153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43371224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2182502
Maren Hachmeister, Beáta Hock, Theresa Jacobs, Oliver Wurzbacher
In summary, system transformation can be characterized as a specific type of social change aimed at the alteration of the entire social structure of institutions. Individual actors deliberately and instantaneously initiate these processes of change. The balance between conscious control and momentum within the processes shifts in favour of the latter; the process as a whole may last years, if not decades. (Kollmorgen et al. 2019, 6)
{"title":"Multiple transformations: an introduction","authors":"Maren Hachmeister, Beáta Hock, Theresa Jacobs, Oliver Wurzbacher","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2182502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2182502","url":null,"abstract":"In summary, system transformation can be characterized as a specific type of social change aimed at the alteration of the entire social structure of institutions. Individual actors deliberately and instantaneously initiate these processes of change. The balance between conscious control and momentum within the processes shifts in favour of the latter; the process as a whole may last years, if not decades. (Kollmorgen et al. 2019, 6)","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"15 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45489366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2182506
Franciska Zólyom
ABSTRACT The history of founding GfZK – Museum of Contemporary Art in Leipzig reflects both immediate post-1989 euphoria and the conflicting interests and social fears of that time. In the summer of 1989, a group of West German art enthusiasts (patrons, collectors, and entrepreneurs) travelled to Leipzig to meet the East German art historian Klaus Werner. The latter put forth the idea of establishing a new museum in his town, which the West German colleagues accepted and a plan was set in motion. Still, without its own building, the GfZK organized remarkable exhibitions and projects in public spaces throughout the 1990s. At the same time, concerns evoked that the “imported” novel artistic positions would devalue local art production and that, through their money, the private patrons were gaining disproportionate influence to shape public taste and the concept of art. From today’s perspective, both assumptions can be debunked. Through its financing in a public–private partnership, GfZK has embodied a unique museum model in the eastern German states, and the model has proved to be exceptionally productive even beyond the founding years.
{"title":"Role models versus modes of rule: the foundation of GfZK, a public-private museum in Leipzig","authors":"Franciska Zólyom","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2182506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2182506","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The history of founding GfZK – Museum of Contemporary Art in Leipzig reflects both immediate post-1989 euphoria and the conflicting interests and social fears of that time. In the summer of 1989, a group of West German art enthusiasts (patrons, collectors, and entrepreneurs) travelled to Leipzig to meet the East German art historian Klaus Werner. The latter put forth the idea of establishing a new museum in his town, which the West German colleagues accepted and a plan was set in motion. Still, without its own building, the GfZK organized remarkable exhibitions and projects in public spaces throughout the 1990s. At the same time, concerns evoked that the “imported” novel artistic positions would devalue local art production and that, through their money, the private patrons were gaining disproportionate influence to shape public taste and the concept of art. From today’s perspective, both assumptions can be debunked. Through its financing in a public–private partnership, GfZK has embodied a unique museum model in the eastern German states, and the model has proved to be exceptionally productive even beyond the founding years.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"83 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42206238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2182514
Beáta Hock
ideological bedrock of the postsocialist contemporary. Under socialism, the attitude of “antipolitics” represented a sort of dissidence and resistance against the one-party state. However, such dissidence manifested in various degrees of intensity across the former Soviet-bloc countries. As a result, “anti-politics” impacted the post-1989 transformations in different ways. Even though the author underscores the importance of differentiating between the various national contexts, the reader is left wanting more specific examples and comparative analyses of the various SCCA centres and their programmes within their particular localities, beyond the SCCAs in Hungary and Romania, which are referenced frequently. Esanu addresses the ways in which the SCCA-related activities unfolded in relation to the broader economic and political forces shaping the transition from socialism to capitalist democracy. He mentions the influence of major institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, as well as the impact of economic deregulation and privatization. Ultimately, The Postsocialist Contemporary represents a perceptive and much needed contribution to the field of contemporary art in post-1989 Eastern Europe. Esanu astutely demonstrates the multi-faceted institutional role that the SCCA network played in the emergence and shaping of contemporary art perceived not only as an “administrative term” or an “alternative and a new way” of making art after 1989 but also as a branding tool for the Open Society Foundations within the democratic neoliberal market.
{"title":"The Influencing Machine: an exhibition curated by Aaron Moulton","authors":"Beáta Hock","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2182514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2182514","url":null,"abstract":"ideological bedrock of the postsocialist contemporary. Under socialism, the attitude of “antipolitics” represented a sort of dissidence and resistance against the one-party state. However, such dissidence manifested in various degrees of intensity across the former Soviet-bloc countries. As a result, “anti-politics” impacted the post-1989 transformations in different ways. Even though the author underscores the importance of differentiating between the various national contexts, the reader is left wanting more specific examples and comparative analyses of the various SCCA centres and their programmes within their particular localities, beyond the SCCAs in Hungary and Romania, which are referenced frequently. Esanu addresses the ways in which the SCCA-related activities unfolded in relation to the broader economic and political forces shaping the transition from socialism to capitalist democracy. He mentions the influence of major institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, as well as the impact of economic deregulation and privatization. Ultimately, The Postsocialist Contemporary represents a perceptive and much needed contribution to the field of contemporary art in post-1989 Eastern Europe. Esanu astutely demonstrates the multi-faceted institutional role that the SCCA network played in the emergence and shaping of contemporary art perceived not only as an “administrative term” or an “alternative and a new way” of making art after 1989 but also as a branding tool for the Open Society Foundations within the democratic neoliberal market.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"31 1","pages":"153 - 155"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60141717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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