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“We are of one blood”: Hungarian popular music, nationalism and the trajectory of the song “Nélküled” through radicalization, folklorization and consecration “我们是一体的”:匈牙利流行音乐,民族主义和歌曲“nsamlk<e:1>”的轨迹,通过激进化,民俗化和奉献
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089388
Emília Barna, Ágnes Patakfalvi-Czirják
ABSTRACT This paper addresses the relationship between popular music, nationalism and political power in a local context through the case of Hungary. Through the combination of musicological group analysis, fieldwork, interviews and media analysis, we follow the trajectory of the song “Nélküled” (Ismerős Arcok 2007) between 2007 and 2021 through its changing musical, social, media and political contexts. We identify three processes: firstly, the radicalization of the band in a subcultural context parallel to the development of the so-called national rock genre; secondly, the popularization and folklorization of the song, whereby it becomes at least partly detached from the original performing artists and embedded into the everyday culture of broader population segments; and finally, the parallel processes of political legitimation and cultural consecration. Our enquiry contributes a political economic perspective to the relatively under-theorized system of relationships between popular music, its social-cultural (genre, taste) and industrial logics, politics and the media by complementing media-based theories of subculture and mainstream with an understanding of political actors and processes. Through this, we also complement studies of everyday nationalism with viewing cultural practices in the political context of hegemonic right-wing ideology and increasing government control of the cultural and media industries.
本文通过匈牙利的案例,在当地背景下探讨流行音乐、民族主义和政治权力之间的关系。通过音乐学群体分析、田野调查、访谈和媒体分析相结合,我们通过音乐、社会、媒体和政治背景的变化,遵循歌曲“n 主导”(Ismerős arcock 2007)在2007年至2021年间的轨迹。我们确定了三个过程:首先,乐队在亚文化背景下的激进化与所谓的民族摇滚流派的发展平行;其次,歌曲的大众化和民俗化,至少在一定程度上脱离了原来的表演艺术家,融入了更广泛人群的日常文化;最后,政治合法化和文化神圣化的平行过程。我们的研究为流行音乐、它的社会文化(流派、品味)和工业逻辑、政治和媒体之间相对理论化的关系系统提供了一个政治经济学的视角,通过对政治行为者和过程的理解来补充基于媒体的亚文化和主流理论。通过这种方式,我们还补充了日常民族主义的研究,在右翼霸权意识形态和政府对文化和媒体行业日益加强的控制的政治背景下观察文化实践。
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引用次数: 1
The Hungarian agricultural miracle? Sovietization and Americanization in a communist Country 匈牙利的农业奇迹?共产主义国家的苏维埃化与美国化
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089383
H. Jörgensen
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引用次数: 0
An analysis of Aleksandar Vučić’s 2019 national assembly speech Aleksandar Vučić2019年国民议会演讲分析
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2092260
A. Semenov
ABSTRACT Analysing the speech of Aleksandar Vučić delivered in the National Assembly on 28 May 2019, this paper argues that his aim is to re-establish nationalist discourse in Serbia. Vučić uses only the negative common features of Serbs as a foundation for the emotional continuity of the nation while ignoring existing attachments such as the territorialization of memory and sanctification of territory. Furthermore, since he believes that the question of Kosovo’s status (a central theme of both attachments), and political continuity have been lost because of the irresponsible politics of previous governments and severe pressure from the Western powers, Vučić links a compromise with the Kosovo Albanians to the question of Serbia’s survival. The paper leaves it to the reader to assess whether this change would be ideal for Serbia or morally permissible. In addition, the question of whether the existing attachments, built through education and collective memory for decades – even centuries – are sufficiently solidified to reject the change, remains largely unexplored.
本文分析了Aleksandar vu伊奇于2019年5月28日在国民议会上的演讲,认为他的目标是在塞尔维亚重建民族主义话语。vu伊奇只利用塞尔维亚人消极的共同特征作为民族情感连续性的基础,而忽略了诸如记忆的领土化和领土的神圣化等现有的附属物。此外,由于他认为科索沃的地位问题(两个附件的中心主题)和政治连续性已经失去,因为前任政府不负责任的政治和来自西方大国的严重压力,vu伊奇将与科索沃阿族人的妥协与塞尔维亚的生存问题联系起来。这篇论文留给读者去评估这种改变对塞尔维亚来说是理想的还是道德上允许的。此外,通过几十年甚至几个世纪的教育和集体记忆建立起来的现有依恋是否足够牢固,足以抵制这种变化,这个问题在很大程度上仍未得到探讨。
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引用次数: 1
From discotheques to clubs: the transformation of dance venues and night life between late socialism and early capitalism in the Czechoslovakia 从迪斯科舞厅到俱乐部:捷克斯洛伐克晚期社会主义和早期资本主义之间舞蹈场所和夜生活的转变
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089387
Jakub Machek
ABSTRACT Discotheques and later the club scene were the means by which several generations of young people met their entertainment and social needs in the Czech lands beginning in the late 1960s. While the late socialist dictatorship insisted that culture be a vehicle for education and enlightenment, the new market-oriented, post-socialist society focused on rapid profits over the quality of young people’s entertainment. Nevertheless, young people managed to create spaces for their own preferred forms of entertainment under these different conditions with the help of various strategies. Drawing on interviews with DJs and regular scene participants, this study explores Czech(oslovak) dance venues and night life from the late 1970s to the late 1990s.
从20世纪60年代末开始,迪斯科舞厅和后来的俱乐部是捷克几代年轻人满足娱乐和社交需求的手段。虽然晚期的社会主义独裁政权坚持认为文化是教育和启蒙的工具,但新的以市场为导向的后社会主义社会关注的是快速利润,而不是年轻人的娱乐质量。然而,在这些不同的条件下,年轻人在各种策略的帮助下,设法为自己喜欢的娱乐形式创造空间。通过对dj和现场参与者的采访,本研究探讨了从20世纪70年代末到90年代末捷克(斯洛伐克)的舞蹈场所和夜生活。
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引用次数: 1
Historical processes and new-left movements: exploring the divergent paths of protest politics in Southeast Europe 历史进程与新左派运动:探索东南欧抗议政治的不同路径
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2092258
Ivaylo Dinev
ABSTRACT This article compares the trajectories of new-left movements in two post-socialist, South east European states, Bulgaria and Slovenia. In arguing that protest politics is deeply embedded in the historical and temporal processes of the national context, the study takes a historical perspective on the analysis of political transformations since the late period of socialism and the development of protest traditions. This long-term reconstruction suggests that the emergence of a strong new-left movement in Slovenia was facilitated by two relational processes: the growing political polarization within the left and the political identification of influential protest actors with left-wing ideas and frames.
本文比较了东南欧两个后社会主义国家——保加利亚和斯洛文尼亚的新左派运动轨迹。在认为抗议政治深深植根于国家背景的历史和时间进程的同时,该研究从历史的角度分析了自社会主义晚期以来的政治变革和抗议传统的发展。这一长期重建表明,两种相互关联的进程促进了斯洛文尼亚强大的新左翼运动的出现:左翼内部日益严重的政治两极分化以及具有左翼思想和框架的有影响力的抗议行为者在政治上的认同。
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引用次数: 1
Making and Breaking the Yugoslav Working Class: The Story of Two Self-Managed Factories 南斯拉夫工人阶级的形成与瓦解:两个自我管理工厂的故事
Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2089385
C. González-Villa
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引用次数: 4
Historicizing postsocialist privatization at the juncture of the cultural and the economic 在文化与经济的结合点上,将后社会主义私有化历史化
Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2044618
V. Pehe, Vítězslav Sommer
ABSTRACT Privatization was one of the key mechanisms in the transformation from planned to market economies in the former Eastern Bloc following the collapse of communist regimes. Although this radical change in ownership structures is most often understood as belonging to the sphere of the economy, it also profoundly affected society and shared values. As historians are increasingly turning to the post-1989 period in Central and Eastern Europe, this introduction and special issue argue that economic and political history alone are not sufficient to investigate the process of privatization; approaches from social and cultural history are also necessary. Transformation, and privatization in particular, was the result of complex interactions between the economic policies of nation-states, the actions of transnational organizations and private corporations, the development of global capitalism, but also of local traditions, cultural stereotypes and representations, and the transformation of institutions other than political and economic ones. By taking into account this complex nexus of factors, we argue, historical research can bring a new quality to the existing social science work on postsocialist privatization and economic transformation more generally.
私有化是前东欧国家在共产主义政权垮台后从计划经济向市场经济转变的关键机制之一。虽然所有权结构的这种根本性变化通常被理解为属于经济领域,但它也深刻地影响了社会和共同的价值观。随着历史学家越来越多地转向1989年后的中欧和东欧时期,本导论和专刊认为,经济和政治历史本身不足以研究私有化进程;从社会和文化史的方法也是必要的。转型,尤其是私有化,是民族国家的经济政策、跨国组织和私营公司的行动、全球资本主义的发展,以及地方传统、文化刻板印象和表现,以及政治和经济以外的制度转型之间复杂相互作用的结果。我们认为,考虑到这种复杂的因素关系,历史研究可以为现有的关于后社会主义私有化和更广泛的经济转型的社会科学工作带来新的质量。
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引用次数: 3
Beating capitalists at their own game? Foreign traders and western negotiation studies in late-socialist Hungary 在自己的游戏中击败资本家?匈牙利社会主义后期的外国商人与西方谈判研究
Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2054089
Máté Rigó
ABSTRACT While the history of regime changes and the eventual embrace of pro-market reforms in Eastern Europe in the 1980s and 1990s is well-known, we know little about the socialist bureaucrats who implemented and often modified abstract party declarations on the relationship of socialist states to the West or to market reforms. Equally underexplored are the cultural stereotypes that guided East-West negotiations and the training of Eastern European technocrats who became negotiators with Western governments and corporations. Through the examination of the personal archives of socialist Hungary’s key “negotiation expert” and leading foreign trade advisor, János Nyerges, this article documents the attempt of Hungarian policy elites to beat Western corporations, banks, and governments at their own game – capitalism – by importing and adopting Western business negotiation practices, while leaving the communist party’s monopoly on power intact.
虽然20世纪80年代和90年代东欧政权更迭和最终接受亲市场改革的历史是众所周知的,但我们对实施并经常修改关于社会主义国家与西方或市场改革关系的抽象政党宣言的社会主义官僚知之甚少。同样未被充分探讨的是指导东西方谈判的文化刻板印象,以及东欧技术官僚成为与西方政府和企业谈判的谈判者的培训。通过对匈牙利社会主义的关键“谈判专家”和主要对外贸易顾问János Nyerges的个人档案的研究,本文记录了匈牙利的政策精英们试图通过引进和采用西方的商业谈判实践,在保持共产党对权力的垄断不变的情况下,在他们自己的游戏——资本主义中击败西方的公司、银行和政府。
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引用次数: 0
Radical higher education alternatives: lessons from socialist pasts and neoliberal presents 激进的高等教育选择:社会主义历史和新自由主义的教训
Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2046764
Felipe Ziotti Narita, Natalia-Rozalia Avlona, M. Ivancheva
The present interview organized by the Greek researcher Natalia-Rozalia Avlona and the Brazilian researcher Felipe Ziotti Narita has been reworked and updated from its first publication in a special issue of Brazilian journal Cadernos CIMEAC , devoted to the experiences of popular education in Latin America in the 2010s. Ivancheva was invited by the authors to discuss the contemporary higher education scenario and radical popular experiments in Latin America in light of her political and research experiences in Eastern and Western Europe. In the interview she touches upon her own trajectory as Eastern European academic and activist working on topics and geographies that remain siloed into different “area studies” domains; in which scholars finding themselves – by birth or location – associated with specific peripheral area are only justified in their interest in their own region, whereas those located in the core hubs of knowledge production are in charge of comparisons made and lessons learned. Transcending the firm givens of such a core-periphery dynamics in academic knowledge – a key intention and message of the interview and Ivancheva’s work – is crucial to overcoming this centrifugal dynamic, decolonializing universities and political practice and learning from the past. As the interview took place during the COVID-19 pandemic, few questions also touch upon Ivancheva’s ongoing academic and activist work on precarious labour in academia and on some technologically enhanced capitalist developments in Europe and the Global South.
本次采访由希腊研究员Natalia-Rozalia Avlona和巴西研究员Felipe Ziotti Narita组织,在首次发表于巴西期刊Cadernos CIMEAC特刊的基础上进行了重新编辑和更新,专门讨论了2010年代拉丁美洲的大众教育经验。作者邀请伊万切娃根据她在东欧和西欧的政治和研究经历,讨论拉丁美洲当代高等教育的情况和激进的流行实验。在采访中,她谈到了自己作为东欧学者和活动家的轨迹,她所研究的主题和地理仍然被孤立在不同的“区域研究”领域;在这种情况下,学者们发现自己——根据出生或地理位置——与特定的外围地区有关,只有在他们对自己所在地区的兴趣中才有理由,而那些位于知识生产核心中心的学者则负责进行比较和吸取教训。超越学术知识中这种核心-外围动态的固定给定——这是采访和伊万切娃作品的主要意图和信息——对于克服这种离心动态、非殖民化大学和政治实践以及从过去学习至关重要。由于采访是在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间进行的,很少有问题涉及伊万切娃正在进行的学术和活动家工作,包括学术界的不稳定劳动力,以及欧洲和全球南方一些技术增强的资本主义发展。
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引用次数: 1
Presenting the results of the shadow economy survey in Ukraine while reflecting on the future(s) of informality studies 介绍乌克兰影子经济调查的结果,同时反思非正规性研究的未来
Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2022.2044585
A. Polese, Gian Marco Moisé, O. Lysa, T. Kerikmäe, A. Sauka, O. Seliverstova
ABSTRACT Reflecting on the results of the shadow economy survey, as conceptualized by Putnis and Sauka and implemented in Ukraine in 2019 for the first time, the goal of the current article is two-fold. First, it offers an overview of the results for the years 2017 and 2018 and estimates the shadow economy in the country at 38.3% of GDP for 2017 and 38.5% for 2018. Second, it suggests possible advantages in the use of direct methods to estimate the level of the shadow economy in a country and explore the motives pushing entrepreneurs to remain in the shadow. The discussion is then framed to conceptualize the distinction between shadow economy and informality. We conclude by suggesting that a better understanding of the entangled relations lying behind the reasons to stay in the shadow can help us better address the issue and propose measures that could help bring business out of the shadow.
摘要根据Putnis和Sauka于2019年首次在乌克兰实施的影子经济调查的结果,本文的目标有两个。首先,它概述了2017年和2018年的结果,并估计2017年该国的影子经济占GDP的38.3%,2018年为38.5%。其次,它提出了使用直接方法来估计一个国家的影子经济水平并探索推动企业家留在影子中的动机的可能优势。然后,对影子经济和非正规性之间的区别进行了概念化的讨论。最后,我们建议,更好地理解隐藏在阴影中的原因背后的纠缠关系,可以帮助我们更好地解决这个问题,并提出有助于企业走出阴影的措施。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe
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