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Marriage and the reproductive regime of a digitally connected Roma diaspora 婚姻与数字化罗姆人散居地的生育制度
Pub Date : 2023-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2277078
Juan F. Gamella, Vasile M. Muntean
ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the marriage, family, and reproductive regimes prevalent in a Roma group that, in the post-socialist period, has moved from Romania to over 16 countries in Western Europe and North America. It is based on a long-term collaborative ethnography that allowed the detailed reconstitution of 807 unions held from 1938 to 2021. Family networks in this diaspora have today a transnational character and maintain an intense social interaction by digital means. The paper will show how a partly autonomous social order is constituted and reproduced by a marriage and kinship system that involves gender formations and autonomous domestic development cycles. At its core is an implicit and successful reproductive regime that is often assumed to be biologically determined, and of no value to cultural analysis. Marriages tend to be universal, adolescent, pronatalist, and endogamous (often consanguineous) within this “community of understanding.” They are also negotiated and arranged by paterfamilias following a literal patriarchy or father rule. However, young people often act on their preferences influencing their parents or eloping. Marriages as household exchanges are launched by three major economic transactions. These transactions open the horizontal “circulation” of women and wealth between households following viri-patrilocal residence norms that generate patrigroups and fraternal coalitions.
ABSTRACT 本文分析了一个罗姆人群体的婚姻、家庭和生育制度,该群体在后社会主义时期从罗马尼亚迁移到西欧和北美的 16 个国家。该研究基于一项长期合作的人种学研究,对 1938 年至 2021 年期间举行的 807 次结合进行了详细的重组。如今,这一散居地的家庭网络具有跨国性质,并通过数字手段保持着密切的社会互动。本文将展示一个部分自主的社会秩序是如何通过婚姻和亲属关系系统构成和再生产的,该系统涉及性别形成和自主的家庭发展周期。其核心是一种隐含的、成功的生育制度,这种制度通常被认为是由生物决定的,对文化分析没有价值。在这个 "理解共同体 "中,婚姻往往是普遍的、青春期的、代孕的、内婚的(通常是近亲结婚)。婚姻也是由父权制或父权统治下的家长协商和安排的。然而,年轻人往往会根据自己的喜好影响父母或私奔。作为家庭交换的婚姻是由三大经济交易启动的。这些交易开启了妇女和财富在各家各户之间的横向 "流通",这种 "流通 "遵循的是产生父系群体和兄弟联盟的病毒式父系居住规范。
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引用次数: 0
Part-time work: the co-production of a contested employment model for women in Austria and internationally, 1950s to 1980s. 非全时工作:20世纪50年代至80年代奥地利和国际妇女有争议的就业模式的共同制作
Pub Date : 2023-07-06 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227519
Veronika Helfert

In 2022, every second employed woman in Austria worked part-time, while only 12.6 percent of men did so. In more affluent countries, part-time work has evolved from a special form of employment to a gendered norm in the past six decades, whereas in state-socialist and post-state-socialist Europe, this model of women's employment played a much less pronounced role historically. Albeit contested, part-time work has been a concern of women trade unionists since the 1950s. This article examines the emergence and evolution of an important trend in the history of women's work from a multi-level perspective. It explores how women activists in the ICFTU, the ILO and in Austria dealt with part-time work as a method of harmonizing women's unpaid and paid work. Collaboration with the ILO played an important role in Austrian developments, and Austrian activists aimed to impact on international decision-making. Furthermore, the article shows the rather hidden role women civil servants played in generating knowledge on the topic. This analysis of the evolution of the gendered norm of part-time work and its contestation contributes to recent research on shifts in reproductive arrangements and gender relations in the second half of the twentieth century.

摘要2022年,奥地利每二分之一的就业女性都从事兼职工作,而只有12.6%的男性从事兼职工作。在过去的60年里,在更富裕的国家,兼职工作已经从一种特殊的就业形式演变为一种性别规范,而在国家社会主义和后国家社会主义的欧洲,这种女性就业模式在历史上的作用要小得多。尽管存在争议,但自20世纪50年代以来,兼职工作一直是女性工会成员关注的问题。本文从多层次的角度考察了女性工作史上一个重要趋势的产生和演变。它探讨了自由工联、国际劳工组织和奥地利的妇女活动家如何处理非全日制工作,将其作为协调妇女无偿工作和有偿工作的一种方法。与国际劳工组织的合作在奥地利的发展中发挥了重要作用,奥地利积极分子旨在影响国际决策。此外,这篇文章还展示了女性公务员在创造有关这一主题的知识方面所发挥的相当隐蔽的作用。这种对非全日制工作性别规范演变及其争论的分析有助于最近对二十世纪下半叶生殖安排和性别关系变化的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Polish women labour inspectors between the world wars: scrutinizing the workplace and mobilizing public opinion. 两次世界大战之间的波兰妇女劳动监察员:审查工作场所和动员公众舆论
Pub Date : 2023-06-29 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227516
Zhanna Popova

This article explores the history of women's activism within the state apparatus, focusing on women labour inspectors in interwar Poland. Part of the State Labour Inspectorate since its creation in 1919, women inspectors often combined their professional duties with a distinctly activist stance. Like their male colleagues, they ensured compliance with labour legislation by performing factory visits and collecting information on the conditions of workers' lives and labour. But they also led campaigns in the press, published books and brochures intended to mobilize public opinion around issues related to the labour of women and minors, and sought to build activist networks aimed at the improvement of women workers' conditions. They exposed particularly exploitative labour arrangements, such as the labour of underage apprentices, and conceptualized them as urgent social problems. These multiple engagements meant that women labour inspectors moved between different scales of action including direct intervention on the shop floor, research and publications aimed at a national audience, and transnational contacts with the International Labour Organization, which had been committed to improving women workers' conditions since its inception.

本文探讨了国家机器内妇女行动主义的历史,重点关注两次世界大战期间波兰的女性劳动监察员。自1919年成立以来,作为国家劳动监察局的一部分,女监察员经常将其专业职责与明显的积极立场结合起来。她们同男同事一样,通过视察工厂和收集关于工人生活和劳动条件的资料,确保遵守劳工法。但他们也在新闻界领导运动,出版书籍和小册子,目的是围绕妇女和未成年人的劳动问题动员公众舆论,并设法建立旨在改善女工条件的活动家网络。他们揭露了特别剥削性的劳动安排,如未成年学徒的劳动,并将其视为紧迫的社会问题。这些多重接触意味着妇女劳工视察员在不同规模的行动之间移动,包括直接在车间进行干预,针对全国读者进行研究和出版,以及与国际劳工组织进行跨国接触,该组织自成立以来一直致力于改善女工的条件。
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引用次数: 0
"The rulers are the causes of the war […] They are the reason there is no bread in our town:" women's food riots in the Hungarian countryside, 1917-1918. “统治者是战争的原因[…]他们是我们镇上没有面包的原因:”1917-1918年匈牙利农村妇女的食物骚乱
Pub Date : 2023-06-26 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227515
Eszter Varsa

The essay discusses women's food riots in the Hungarian territories of the Habsburg Empire during World War I between spring 1917 and summer 1918. While the existing literature has primarily focused on urban contexts in a variety of European countries, this essay analyses the Hungarian countryside with a focus on small towns and villages where and around which inhabitants were mostly agrarian workers. The agrarian population was especially hard hit by the increasingly coercive wartime economic measures, and especially by the high cost of living and the break-down in food supply. Using archival sources and news reports, the article approaches food riots as a form of labour activism signalling (agrarian) women's efforts to improve their desperate living and working conditions and, thus, as a local political response to the international and national political and economic crisis that unfolded in the Dual Monarchy shortly before its disintegration during the second phase of the Great War. It pays particular attention to participants' social/ethnic background, agendas, and repertoires of action, including the antisemitic character of some of the riots and authorities' reaction to these uprisings. The essay, thus, also examines the interactions between members of local-level (un)organized activism and regional and national governance.

摘要本文论述了1917年春季至1918年夏季第一次世界大战期间哈布斯堡帝国匈牙利领土上的妇女食品骚乱。虽然现有文献主要关注欧洲各个国家的城市背景,但本文分析了匈牙利的农村,重点是小城镇和村庄,那里及其周围的居民大多是农业工人。农业人口尤其受到战时日益强制性的经济措施的严重打击,尤其是生活成本高和粮食供应中断。这篇文章利用档案来源和新闻报道,将粮食骚乱视为一种劳工行动主义,表明(农业)妇女努力改善她们绝望的生活和工作条件,从而,作为对国际和国家政治和经济危机的地方政治回应,这场危机发生在二战第二阶段双君主政体解体前不久。它特别关注参与者的社会/种族背景、议程和行动计划,包括一些骚乱的反犹太主义性质以及当局对这些起义的反应。因此,本文还考察了地方一级(非)组织激进主义成员与地区和国家治理之间的互动。
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引用次数: 0
The treacherous trade unionist: Paraschiva B. Ion and labour activism in the Romanian tobacco sector, 1920s to 1940s 背信弃义的工会主义者:Paraschiva B.Ion和罗马尼亚烟草行业的劳工激进主义,20世纪20年代至40年代
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227514
Alexandra Ghiț
ABSTRACT What did it mean to be a woman labour activist in a state-owned industry in Romania before 1945? In this article, I construct a political biography of Paraschiva B. Ion, a worker and trade unionist in the “Belvedere” tobacco factory in Bucharest during the interwar period. P. B. Ion led factory- and national-level social democratic trade unions and served as an elected delegate to factory-level and municipal-level workers’ representative bodies. At the same time, she participated in labour control practices, including during the Second World War. I argue that P. B. Ion’s career illustrates how, in the interwar period, women labour activists in social democratic trade unions in Romania could become more prominent participants in labour governance on the shop floor, municipal, and national levels while not being involved in labour governance at the international scale. Like other trade unionists in Europe, at times, P.B. Ion supported certain claims made by women workers (including through expert knowledge production) and at other times restrained them. I position P. B. Ion’s activism in a domestic context marked by competing labour agitation and organizing in the tobacco sector, activities shaped by a legal framework that hindered labour organizing.
1945年前,在罗马尼亚的国有企业中,作为一名女性劳工活动家意味着什么?在这篇文章中,我构建了一个帕拉斯奇瓦·b·伊翁的政治传记,他是两次世界大战期间布加勒斯特“贝尔维德”烟草厂的工人和工会成员。P. B. Ion领导工厂和国家级社会民主工会,并担任工厂和市级工人代表机构的民选代表。与此同时,她参与了劳工控制实践,包括在第二次世界大战期间。我认为,P. B. Ion的职业生涯说明,在两次世界大战之间的时期,罗马尼亚社会民主工会中的女性劳工活动家如何能够成为车间、市政和国家层面的劳工治理的重要参与者,而不参与国际范围的劳工治理。像欧洲的其他工会成员一样,有时,P.B. Ion支持女工提出的某些要求(包括通过专业知识生产),有时则限制她们。我将P. B. Ion的激进主义置于国内背景下,其标志是烟草部门的竞争性劳工鼓动和组织,这些活动受到阻碍劳工组织的法律框架的影响。
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引用次数: 0
“Dracunculus against the dragon”: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s public vaccination as simultaneous enactment of public health and foreign policy “龙与龙”:匈牙利总理维克多Orbán将公共疫苗接种作为公共卫生和外交政策的同时颁布
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2221923
P. Marton, Tamás Matura, Csendike Somogyvári
ABSTRACT This article examines performativity in Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s February 2021 public vaccination against COVID-19 with the Sinopharm BBIBP-CorV vaccine. Following a discussion of the concept of performativity as it pertains to the subject of our study, we contextualize the process of the procurement of the Sinopharm BBIBP-CorV vaccine by Hungary to situate the significance of this transaction, along with that of the performance under review, in the post-2010 evolution of broader Sino-Hungarian government ties. We then submit footage of PM Orbán’s vaccination to multimodal critical discourse analysis, identifying several noteworthy features of this performance. We also examine similar performances by other heads of state and government, offering evidence that – having gone beyond the purposes of public health messaging to constitute a simultaneous enactment of foreign policy (and more) – PM Orbán deviated considerably from the consensus norms of public vaccination that have emerged in the reference group. This further indicates that his public vaccination with BBIBP-CorV was both a peculiar instance of vaccine diplomacy and a “demand-driven” manifestation of Chinese influence in Hungary.
摘要本文考察了匈牙利总理维克托·奥尔班2021年2月使用国药集团BBIBP-CorV疫苗接种新冠肺炎的表现。在讨论了与我们研究主题相关的绩效概念后,我们将匈牙利采购国药集团BBIBP-CorV疫苗的过程置于背景中,以确定这笔交易以及审查中的绩效在2010年后更广泛的中匈政府关系演变中的意义。然后,我们将奥尔班总理接种疫苗的视频提交给多模态批判性话语分析,确定了这一表现的几个值得注意的特征。我们还研究了其他国家元首和政府首脑的类似表现,提供了证据表明,奥尔班总理已经超越了公共卫生信息的目的,构成了外交政策的同时制定(以及更多),大大偏离了参考小组中出现的公共疫苗接种的共识规范。这进一步表明,他公开接种BBIBP-CorV疫苗既是疫苗外交的一个特殊例子,也是中国在匈牙利影响力的“需求驱动”表现。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental stress, majoritarianism, and social unrest in Europe 环境压力、多数主义与欧洲社会动荡
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227520
Nadia Eldemerdash, Christian B. Jensen, Steven T. Landis
ABSTRACT As climate change continues to affect countries worldwide, scholars have begun considering the impact of environmental stress for political instability in industrialized countries. This paper analyzes the risk of social unrest in various European political systems in relation to the interaction of environmental stress and electoral institutions. We use a spatially and temporally disaggregated dataset to examine the possible relationships between environmental stress and social unrest in all European Union member countries from 2000 to 2020. We find that there are stark differences between the observed interaction of majoritarian electoral features and environmentally induced unrest in those European states with a history of Communist rule or climate vulnerability versus the rest of Europe. Overall, these results suggest that electoral systems play an important but heterogenous role in the understanding of climate change and political unrest.
摘要随着气候变化持续影响世界各国,学者们开始考虑环境压力对工业化国家政治不稳定的影响。本文分析了环境压力和选举制度相互作用下欧洲各种政治制度中社会动荡的风险。我们使用空间和时间分类数据集来研究2000年至2020年所有欧盟成员国的环境压力和社会动荡之间的可能关系。我们发现,在那些有共产主义统治历史或气候脆弱性的欧洲国家,观察到的多数派选举特征和环境引发的动荡的相互作用与欧洲其他国家之间存在明显差异。总的来说,这些结果表明,选举制度在理解气候变化和政治动荡方面发挥着重要但异质的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Women and the gendered politics of work in Central and Eastern Europe, and internationally, in the twentieth century: activism, governance, and scale 20世纪中欧和东欧以及国际上的妇女和工作中的性别政治:行动主义、治理和规模
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227512
Alexandra Ghiț, Veronika Helfert, Ivelina Masheva, Z. Popova, Jelena Tešija, Eszter Varsa, Susan E. Zimmermann
This issue of the Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe brings together a set of articles that discuss the history of women’s labour activism in Central and Eastern Europe and transnationally. The seven contributions are the result of recent and ongoing primary research within the research project Women’s Labour Activism in Eastern Europe and Transnationally, From the Age of Empires to the Late 20th Century (ZARAH). In our research we aim to advance approaches to the history of women’s labour struggles that are long-term, transregional, integrative, and critical. Our overarching goals are: to contribute to establishing the chronology and cartography of women’ labour activism in Central and Eastern Europe and adjacent territories; to explore this activism’s crossborder, cross-regional and transnational dimensions; to conceive of its variety in terms of worldview, repertoires, and agendas within a common conceptual framework which contextualizes and examines from a critical perspective all varieties of activism; and to “think into” the global history of labour activism the labour struggles of women from Central and Eastern Europe (Çağatay et al., forthcoming). We define women’s labour activism broadly as action and organizing to improve the labour conditions and life circumstances of lower and working-class women and their communities. The cluster of articles presents selected elements of our research that revolve around two large, interrelated issues. These, we argue, must be centrally addressed when pursuing the overarching goals defined above. The first issue concerns the relationship between women’s labour struggles, on the one hand, and governance, on the other. Governance includes the regulatory frameworks that shape institutions and the practices characterizing the “behaviour” of institutions, ranging from social movement institutions (including, e.g. trade unions, cooperatives, and women’s and workers’ associations), through institutions of the layered state, to international networks and organizations that involved state and/or social movement actors (Bereni and Revillard 2018; Caglar, Prügl, and Zwingel 2013; Shin 2016; Storrs 2000; Wilhoit 2017). We pursue, in other words, an integrative approach to the history of women’s labour activism, arguing that to capture the full range of such activism, we need to consider three (repeatedly overlapping and entangled) varieties: women’s action within or via various “classical” social movements; their “unorganized” or “spontaneous” activism, a focus well established in feminist labour history; and women’s involvement – within and beyond the confines of social movement activism – with the various dimensions of how women’s work was governed. Such
本期《当代中欧和东欧杂志》汇集了一系列文章,讨论了中欧和东欧以及跨国妇女劳工活动的历史。这七项贡献是研究项目“东欧和跨国妇女劳工活动主义,从帝国时代到20世纪末”(ZARAH)中最近和正在进行的初步研究的结果。在我们的研究中,我们旨在推进长期、跨地区、综合和批判性的妇女劳动斗争史研究方法。我们的总体目标是:为建立中欧和东欧及邻近地区妇女劳工活动的年表和地图作出贡献;探讨这种激进主义的跨秩序、跨区域和跨国层面;在一个共同的概念框架内,从世界观、剧目和议程的角度构思其多样性,该框架将各种激进主义置于背景中,并从批判性的角度进行审查;以及“思考”劳工激进主义的全球历史——中欧和东欧妇女的劳工斗争(Çağatay等人,即将出版)。我们将妇女的劳工行动主义广义上定义为改善下层和工人阶级妇女及其社区的劳动条件和生活环境的行动和组织。这组文章介绍了我们围绕两个相互关联的大问题进行研究的精选元素。我们认为,在追求上述总体目标时,必须集中解决这些问题。第一个问题涉及妇女的劳动斗争与治理之间的关系。治理包括塑造机构的监管框架和表征机构“行为”的做法,从社会运动机构(包括工会、合作社、妇女和工人协会)到分层国家机构,涉及国家和/或社会运动行为者的国际网络和组织(Bereni和Revillard,2018;Caglar、Prügl和Zwingel,2013年;Shin,2016年;Storrs,2000年;Wilhoit,2017年)。换言之,我们对女性劳工激进主义的历史采取综合的方法,认为要全面了解这种激进主义,我们需要考虑三种(反复重叠和纠缠的)多样性:女性在各种“古典”社会运动中或通过各种“经典”社会运动的行动;他们的“无组织”或“自发”激进主义,这是女权主义劳工史上确立的焦点;以及妇女在社会运动激进主义范围内外参与妇女工作管理的各个层面。这样的
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引用次数: 0
“Millions of working housewives”: the International Co-operative Women’s Guild and household labour in the interwar period “数百万工作的家庭主妇”:两次世界大战期间的国际合作妇女协会和家庭劳动
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227517
Jelena Tešija
ABSTRACT The article focuses on household labour as one of the key agendas of the International Co-operative Women’s Guild (ICWG) and on the contributions Central and Eastern European countries made to this agenda in the interwar period. I argue that ICWG women made household labour a policy issue in its own right and provided space for debates between women of diverse ideological positions coming from different political and economic systems and national contexts. Zooming in on key publications and paying attention to the organizational dynamics and complex relationship between communists and social democrats in the ICWG, I first explore how the ICWG discussed household labour and the solutions it offered to reduce the burden of such work. In the second part of the analysis, I argue that because it was crucial to their work, ICWG women inserted aspects of household labour into international discussions on women’s and/or labour-related issues. By doing so, they tried to 1) establish themselves as experts on household labour-based issues and 2) advance how topics such as popular nutrition and maternal deaths were approached in international settings.
摘要:本文主要关注家务劳动作为国际合作社妇女协会(ICWG)的关键议程之一,以及中欧和东欧国家在两次世界大战期间对这一议程的贡献。我认为,国际工作组的妇女使家务劳动本身成为一个政策问题,并为来自不同政治和经济制度和国家背景的不同意识形态立场的妇女之间的辩论提供了空间。我将重点放在重要的出版物上,并关注国际工作组中共产主义者和社会民主主义者之间的组织动态和复杂关系,首先探讨了国际工作组如何讨论家务劳动以及它提供的减轻这种工作负担的解决方案。在分析的第二部分,我认为,由于家务劳动对她们的工作至关重要,国际工作组的妇女将家务劳动的各个方面纳入关于妇女和/或与劳动有关的问题的国际讨论中。通过这样做,他们试图1)使自己成为以家庭劳动为基础的问题的专家,2)推动如何在国际环境中处理大众营养和孕产妇死亡等问题。
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引用次数: 0
“An eight-hour day for women workers”: negotiating working time in the Bulgarian textile industry between international labour politics and the shop floor, 1890s to 1930s “女工每天八小时”:19世纪90年代至30年代,国际劳工政治和车间之间在保加利亚纺织业谈判工作时间
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2227513
Ivelina Masheva
ABSTRACT The article investigates the issue of the eight-hour workday and its application from the early 1890s – when it first appeared on the Bulgarian organized labour movement’s agenda following the decisions of the Second International – to its adoption in national legislation as well as by the International Labour Organization in 1919, and finally, the enforcement of the eight-hour day in the Bulgarian textile industry between the two world wars. This article explores continuities and changes in the struggle to adopt and enforce the eight-hour day, conceptualizing them as parts of a single negotiated social process. The article employs a gendered and multi-scale approach to explore how working time limits were negotiated on and between the shop floor, the national political stage, and in international labour organizations by diverse social groups such as (un)organized (women) workers, trade unions and labour activists with various political affiliations, the state through its labour inspectorate, as well the International Labour Organization. The article goes beyond the gender-neutral language of legal documents, instead arguing that the eight-hour day was conceptualized differently – with some variations depending on women’s life-course stage and social circumstances – and held particular importance for women workers.
摘要本文调查了八小时工作日的问题及其应用,从19世纪90年代初,当它在第二国际的决定后首次出现在保加利亚有组织的劳工运动的议程上,到1919年被国家立法和国际劳工组织通过,最后,在两次世界大战期间,保加利亚纺织业实行了每天八小时的规定。本文探讨了在采用和实施每天八小时制的斗争中的连续性和变化,将其概念化为单一协商社会过程的一部分。这篇文章采用了一种性别化和多尺度的方法,探讨了不同的社会团体,如(非)有组织的(妇女)工人、工会和具有不同政治派别的劳工活动家、国家通过其劳工监察局、,以及国际劳工组织。这篇文章超越了法律文件中的性别中立语言,相反,它认为每天八小时的概念不同——根据女性的人生历程阶段和社会环境有一些变化——对女性工作者来说尤其重要。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe
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