Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2275920
Ákos Cserny
ABSTRACTIn most countries, sports and the physical education of youth receive special attention from those holding political power. The reason for this is, among other things, that the development of this area is decisive from the point of view of the physical and mental condition of individuals and, consequently, the future of a society. In the course of history, state activity on the subject can be observed from the development of the idea of the social state in the 20th century. In the case of Hungary, a similar trend can be observed, which, however, is significantly shaded by the fact that, as a result of historical processes, physical culture has been at the service of power – in different ways and to varying degrees – almost to this day. In this context, this study examines the period between the two world wars. The topic is particularly interesting nowadays, when the relationship between sports and politics is strong in Hungary, and when the ruling government likes to look back to the history of the period between the two world wars for examples.KEYWORDS: Sportsphysical educationLevente serviceleisure sportsHorthy regimeHungary Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The official name of the paramilitary training organization in Hungary between the two world wars, whose main task was the patriotic education of youth.Additional informationNotes on contributorsÁkos CsernyÁkos Cserny is a habilitated doctor in law. The focus of his more than 25 years of higher education and research activities was on a number of areas of constitutional law, such as government operations and electoral law. Recently, he has been researching the social and legal connections between sports and physical education.
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Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2275889
Rosario Napolitano
ABSTRACTThis article aims to trace the influence of Italian cultural diplomacy and its, impact in Estonia starting from the de jure recognition in 1921 to the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1939, the prelude to the Soviet invasion of the Baltic States of June 1940. The cultural relations between Italy and Estonia could be divided into two time periods: the first one, from 1921 to 1931, when Italy tried to establish the foundations of its cultural influence in Estonia; the second one, from 1932 to 1939. In the latter period, the growth of Italian diplomatic influence abroad corresponded to a more precise propaganda project, outlined not only by the Italian diplomatic mission in Tallinn, but also by three key episodes: the Volta Conference in Rome, the establishment of C.A.U.R (Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma/Action Committees for the Universality of Rome) in 1932 and 1933 respectively, and the foundation of the Ministry of Popular Culture in 1937.KEYWORDS: Estonian independencefascist propagandaC.A.U.RBenito MussoliniKonstantin Päts AcknowledgmentsI am very thankful to Olavi Arens (Georgia Southern University), Andres Kasekamp (Toronto University), Eero Medijainen (University of Tartu), James Montgomery Baxenfield (Tallinn University), Justin Bancroft (Riga Business School) and Marcus Denton for their useful and helpful comments on the first version of this article.Disclosure statementsNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Rahvusarhiiv (hereafter ERA) (Tallinn): 957. 8. 70. 30.2. ERA 957.5.493.4.3. ERA. .957.8.70. 23b.4. Archivio storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri (hereafter ASMAE) (Rome): fondo Direzione Generale per gli Affari commerciali (1919–1923), paese Estonia. Istituzione di un corso di lingua e cultura italiana presso l’Università di Dorpat5. ASMAE: fondo Direzione Generale per gli Affari commerciali (1919–1923), paese Estonia Viaggio in Italia di insegnanti e studentesse estoni6. ASMAE: fondo Direzione Generale per gli Affari commerciali (1919–1923), paese Estonia. Viaggio in Italia di comitive straniere7. ASMAE: Affari Politici 1931–1945, busta 1, paese Estonia. Estonia e Società delle Nazioni.8. ASMAE: Affari Politici 1931–1945, busta 1, paese Estonia. Partito fascista in Estonia9. Ibid.10. ASMAE: Affari Politici 1931–1945, busta 1, paese Estonia. Situazione interna dell’Estonia.11. Archivio Centrale dello Stato (hereafter ACS) (Rome). Fondo del Ministero della Cultura Popolare (Minculpop), paese Estonia, busta 65, Pensiero e azione degli ex combattenti.12. Ibid.13. ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Relazione sulla missione dell’On. Dott. Alessandro Pavolini per incarico del Presidente del C.A.U.R. in Lituania, Lettonia, Estonia e Finlandia (luglio-agosto 1934).14. ERA 1608/2/1727: 1.15. ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Viaggio del Cav. Uff. Dott. Ferruccio Guido Cabalzar, ispettore dei C.A.U.R.16. ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Le spécialiste en de
摘要本文旨在追溯意大利文化外交的影响及其对爱沙尼亚的影响,从1921年的法律承认到1939年莫洛托夫-里宾特洛甫条约的签署,这是苏联1940年6月入侵波罗的海国家的前奏。意大利和爱沙尼亚之间的文化关系可以分为两个时期:第一个时期,从1921年到1931年,意大利试图在爱沙尼亚建立其文化影响的基础;第二次是1932年到1939年。在后一时期,意大利在国外的外交影响力的增长与一个更精确的宣传项目相对应,不仅由意大利驻塔林的外交使团概述,而且由三个关键事件概述:罗马的沃尔特会议,分别于1932年和1933年成立了罗马普遍性行动委员会,以及1937年成立了大众文化部。关键词:爱沙尼亚独立法西斯主义宣传贝尼托·墨索里尼·康斯坦丁Päts感谢奥拉维·阿伦斯(乔治亚南方大学)、安德烈斯·卡塞坎普(多伦多大学)、埃罗·梅迪加宁(塔尔图大学)、詹姆斯·蒙哥马利·巴森菲尔德(塔林大学)、贾斯汀·班克罗夫特(里加商学院)和马库斯·丹顿对本文第一版的有益评论。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。rahvusarhiv(以下简称ERA)(塔林):957。8. 70. 30.2. 957.5.493.4.3时代。时代,.957.8.70。23 b.4。国家事务部长档案(以下简称ASMAE)(罗马):国家商业事务总局(1919-1923),爱沙尼亚。意大利语言与文化协会:意大利大学ASMAE: fondo Direzione generalale per gli Affari commerciali (1919-1923), paese Estonia Viaggio in Italia di insegnanti e studentesse estoni6。ASMAE:国际商业事务总局(1919-1923),爱沙尼亚。意大利的维亚乔(Viaggio)对陌生人的描述。阿斯梅:《政治事务》1931-1945,第1期,爱沙尼亚。8.爱沙尼亚国家社会。阿斯梅:《政治事务》1931-1945,第1期,爱沙尼亚。爱沙尼亚的法西斯党Ibid.10。阿斯梅:《政治事务》1931-1945,第1期,爱沙尼亚。11.爱沙尼亚国际局势。国家中央档案馆(以下简称ACS)(罗马)。12.人民文化部长基金会,爱沙尼亚,1965年,联合国教科文组织,联合国教科文组织,联合国教科文组织。Ibid.13。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Relazione sulla missione dell 'On。Dott。14.亚历山德罗·帕沃利尼在立陶宛、莱顿尼亚、爱沙尼亚和芬兰的共和国总统(luglio-agosto 1934)。纪元1608/2/1727:1.15。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Viaggio del Cav。风浪的。Dott。费鲁奇奥·吉多·卡巴扎,C.A.U.R.16。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚,Le spspcialiste en de Fascisme塔林。17.《爱沙尼亚与罗马联合行动委员会》一节(《瓦巴马报》的文章译成法文)。ACS: Minculpop。18.电影专业。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Camicia Nera.19。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚。专业电影摄影:Camicia Nera.20。从1853年到第二次世界大战结束,意大利的主要通讯社。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚。Attivita戴尔'Istituto.22。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚。意大利文化研究所的活动,塔林。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚。意大利文化学院的活动,塔林。ACS: Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚。25. A s.e.l意大利驻爱沙尼亚部。ACS, Minculpop, busta 65,佩斯爱沙尼亚。Vocabolario italo-estone.26。ASMAE,政治事务1931-1945,第3卷,爱沙尼亚。意大利石材学会。这项工作得到了意大利驻塔林大使馆的资助。特别感谢意大利驻塔林大使丹尼尔·兰帕佐阁下鼓励这一项目,并加强意大利与爱沙尼亚之间的合作。罗萨里奥·纳波利塔诺(rosario Napolitano)在里加技术大学意大利-拉脱维亚合作中心和拉脱维亚艺术学院人文学院教授意大利语研究。他的研究领域是两次世界大战期间意大利与波罗的海国家的双边关系,以及拉脱维亚在文化领域的苏维埃化政策。
{"title":"Italian cultural diplomacy in Estonia during the interwar period: from the <i>de jure</i> recognition to the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (1921-1939)","authors":"Rosario Napolitano","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2275889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2275889","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article aims to trace the influence of Italian cultural diplomacy and its, impact in Estonia starting from the de jure recognition in 1921 to the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1939, the prelude to the Soviet invasion of the Baltic States of June 1940. The cultural relations between Italy and Estonia could be divided into two time periods: the first one, from 1921 to 1931, when Italy tried to establish the foundations of its cultural influence in Estonia; the second one, from 1932 to 1939. In the latter period, the growth of Italian diplomatic influence abroad corresponded to a more precise propaganda project, outlined not only by the Italian diplomatic mission in Tallinn, but also by three key episodes: the Volta Conference in Rome, the establishment of C.A.U.R (Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma/Action Committees for the Universality of Rome) in 1932 and 1933 respectively, and the foundation of the Ministry of Popular Culture in 1937.KEYWORDS: Estonian independencefascist propagandaC.A.U.RBenito MussoliniKonstantin Päts AcknowledgmentsI am very thankful to Olavi Arens (Georgia Southern University), Andres Kasekamp (Toronto University), Eero Medijainen (University of Tartu), James Montgomery Baxenfield (Tallinn University), Justin Bancroft (Riga Business School) and Marcus Denton for their useful and helpful comments on the first version of this article.Disclosure statementsNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. Rahvusarhiiv (hereafter ERA) (Tallinn): 957. 8. 70. 30.2. ERA 957.5.493.4.3. ERA. .957.8.70. 23b.4. Archivio storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri (hereafter ASMAE) (Rome): fondo Direzione Generale per gli Affari commerciali (1919–1923), paese Estonia. Istituzione di un corso di lingua e cultura italiana presso l’Università di Dorpat5. ASMAE: fondo Direzione Generale per gli Affari commerciali (1919–1923), paese Estonia Viaggio in Italia di insegnanti e studentesse estoni6. ASMAE: fondo Direzione Generale per gli Affari commerciali (1919–1923), paese Estonia. Viaggio in Italia di comitive straniere7. ASMAE: Affari Politici 1931–1945, busta 1, paese Estonia. Estonia e Società delle Nazioni.8. ASMAE: Affari Politici 1931–1945, busta 1, paese Estonia. Partito fascista in Estonia9. Ibid.10. ASMAE: Affari Politici 1931–1945, busta 1, paese Estonia. Situazione interna dell’Estonia.11. Archivio Centrale dello Stato (hereafter ACS) (Rome). Fondo del Ministero della Cultura Popolare (Minculpop), paese Estonia, busta 65, Pensiero e azione degli ex combattenti.12. Ibid.13. ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Relazione sulla missione dell’On. Dott. Alessandro Pavolini per incarico del Presidente del C.A.U.R. in Lituania, Lettonia, Estonia e Finlandia (luglio-agosto 1934).14. ERA 1608/2/1727: 1.15. ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Viaggio del Cav. Uff. Dott. Ferruccio Guido Cabalzar, ispettore dei C.A.U.R.16. ACS: Minculpop, busta 65, paese Estonia, Le spécialiste en de ","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"322 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135814076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2271267
Tibor Valuch
ABSTRACT This study examines the social and economic changes experienced by the former class of workers in Hungary and Central and Eastern Europe following the 1989–1990 shift from socialism to democracy. After introducing what common traits characterized the region’s workers during the late period of state socialism, I will analyze in detail the post-communist transition, the processes of both de- and post-industrialization and the various impacts of globalization, including its subsequent realignment of social classes. Questions such as the transformed content of physical labour, the changes involved in identifying as a labourer and the work or survival strategies employed by certain groups of workers will also be briefly addressed.
{"title":"The changing world of labour in Hungary and Central and Eastern Europe before and after the 1989/90 transition","authors":"Tibor Valuch","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2271267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2271267","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the social and economic changes experienced by the former class of workers in Hungary and Central and Eastern Europe following the 1989–1990 shift from socialism to democracy. After introducing what common traits characterized the region’s workers during the late period of state socialism, I will analyze in detail the post-communist transition, the processes of both de- and post-industrialization and the various impacts of globalization, including its subsequent realignment of social classes. Questions such as the transformed content of physical labour, the changes involved in identifying as a labourer and the work or survival strategies employed by certain groups of workers will also be briefly addressed.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135780124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-16DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2270876
Islam Jusufi
ABSTRACTThe debates over cyberspace and digitalization and their impact over sovereignty have recently had lively discussions in the literature of international relations. This sovereignty debate in the periphery of Europe regarding cyberspace is emerging and it has become an area in which national authorities have sought to claim their share. The paper analyses cyberspace and digitalization and how they have affected the understanding of sovereignty over cyberspace and how they have transformed the state in a specific country case study in the periphery of Europe. It achieves this by focusing on Albania. Cyberspace and digitalization have emerged as priorities for domestic politics, in which Tirana has endeavoured to act by applying the norms emerging internationally and they have been sources for the new role of Albanian institutions domestically. Albanian actors appear to have been less responsive to cyberspace responsibilities, by considering that Albania is not a powerful and rich enough to be a target of cyber attacks. In conditions where it has been responsive, the focus has been more on issues that concern general digitalization politics.KEYWORDS: CyberspacedigitalisationsovereigntyAlbania Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsIslam JusufiIslam Jusufi holds the title of Associate Professor of Political Science and is the author of publications on security, sovereignty, and regime changes in modern Balkans.
摘要近年来,关于网络空间和数字化及其对主权的影响的争论在国际关系文献中引起了热烈的讨论。在欧洲外围国家,关于网络空间的主权辩论正在兴起,这已成为各国当局寻求争取自己份额的领域。本文分析了网络空间和数字化,以及它们如何影响对网络空间主权的理解,以及它们如何在欧洲外围的特定国家案例研究中改变了国家。它通过把重点放在阿尔巴尼亚来实现这一目标。网络空间和数字化已成为国内政治的优先事项,地拉那努力通过应用国际上出现的规范来采取行动,它们已成为阿尔巴尼亚国内机构新角色的来源。阿尔巴尼亚行动者似乎对网络空间的责任反应较弱,认为阿尔巴尼亚不够强大和富有,不足以成为网络攻击的目标。在它做出反应的情况下,重点更多地放在与一般数字化政治有关的问题上。关键词:网络空间数字化主权阿尔巴尼亚披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。其他信息关于撰稿人的说明islam Jusufi islam Jusufi拥有政治学副教授的头衔,是关于现代巴尔干地区安全、主权和政权更迭的出版物的作者。
{"title":"“Cyber as sovereignty space: state transformation in the periphery of Europe”","authors":"Islam Jusufi","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2270876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2270876","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe debates over cyberspace and digitalization and their impact over sovereignty have recently had lively discussions in the literature of international relations. This sovereignty debate in the periphery of Europe regarding cyberspace is emerging and it has become an area in which national authorities have sought to claim their share. The paper analyses cyberspace and digitalization and how they have affected the understanding of sovereignty over cyberspace and how they have transformed the state in a specific country case study in the periphery of Europe. It achieves this by focusing on Albania. Cyberspace and digitalization have emerged as priorities for domestic politics, in which Tirana has endeavoured to act by applying the norms emerging internationally and they have been sources for the new role of Albanian institutions domestically. Albanian actors appear to have been less responsive to cyberspace responsibilities, by considering that Albania is not a powerful and rich enough to be a target of cyber attacks. In conditions where it has been responsive, the focus has been more on issues that concern general digitalization politics.KEYWORDS: CyberspacedigitalisationsovereigntyAlbania Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsIslam JusufiIslam Jusufi holds the title of Associate Professor of Political Science and is the author of publications on security, sovereignty, and regime changes in modern Balkans.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136112877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2263221
Robert Gabriel Țicălău
ABSTRACTAlthough Belarus is one of Russia’s strategic partners after the outbreak of the war in Donbas relations between the two states were increasingly tense. Since 2014, Alexander Lukashenko has refused to recognize the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and has tried to mediate the conflict by hosting peace talks in Minsk. Moreover, in 2018 and 2019, he refused Vladimir Putin’s proposals to deepen integration with Russia within the Union State. However, since the beginning of post-election protests and the imposition of harsh sanctions by the West, Alexander Lukashenko has tried to retain power and get closer to Russia. That is why he made a series of concessions to his Russian counterpart agreeing to adopt a new military doctrine of the Union State and to organize the military drills “Allied Resolve” on the territory of Belarus. This article examines how the Belarusian president reacted to Vladimir Putin’s attempts to lure him into the Russo-Ukrainian war throughout 2022. The paper shows that although initially, Alexander Lukashenko succumbed to Putin’s pressure to allow the Russian army to use Belarus to invade Ukraine, afterward he acted cautiously, avoiding at all costs the direct involvement of the Belarusian army in the war.KEYWORDS: Alexander LukashenkoBelarusVladimir PutinRussiaUkraine Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In his speech to the National Assembly on January 28, 2022, Alexander Lukashenko claimed that he would allow the Belarusian army to participate in a conflict only in two cases: if faced with an attack on Belarusian independence and sovereignty, or if Russia was the target of aggression by the West.2. In a speech three days after the outbreak of war, Alexander Lukashenko denied the involvement of the Belarusian army in the conflict but said he would send it to Ukraine only at the express request of his counterpart Vladimir Putin.Additional informationFundingThe research leading to these results has received funding from the EEA Grants 2014-2021, under Project”Interdisciplinary Research on Russia’s Geopolitics in the Black Sea and the Arctic Ocean”, contract no. 35/2021.Notes on contributorsRobert Gabriel ȚicălăuRobert Gabriel Țicălău is currently working as a Research Assistant at the Romanian Center for Russian Studies at the University of Bucharest. He holds a BA in Security Studies and an MA in International Relations from the University of Bucharest. His research interests include the evolution of political regimes within the ex-Soviet space, the frozen conflicts in the Black Sea region, and Belarusian foreign policy.
白俄罗斯虽然是俄罗斯的战略伙伴之一,但在顿巴斯战争爆发后,两国关系日益紧张。自2014年以来,亚历山大·卢卡申科拒绝承认俄罗斯对克里米亚的吞并,并试图通过在明斯克主持和平谈判来调解冲突。此外,在2018年和2019年,他拒绝了弗拉基米尔·普京关于在联盟国家内深化与俄罗斯一体化的提议。然而,自从选举后抗议活动开始以及西方实施严厉制裁以来,亚历山大·卢卡申科(Alexander Lukashenko)一直试图保留权力,并与俄罗斯走得更近。因此,他向俄罗斯总统作出了一系列让步,同意采用新的联盟国家军事学说,并在白俄罗斯领土上组织“联合决心”军事演习。这篇文章探讨了白俄罗斯总统是如何应对弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)在整个2022年引诱他加入俄乌战争的企图的。文件显示,虽然最初亚历山大·卢卡申科屈服于普京的压力,允许俄罗斯军队利用白俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,但后来他行事谨慎,不惜一切代价避免白俄罗斯军队直接卷入战争。关键词:亚历山大·卢卡申科,白俄罗斯,弗拉基米尔·普京,俄罗斯,乌克兰披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。2022年1月28日,亚历山大·卢卡申科在对国民议会的讲话中声称,他只允许白俄罗斯军队在两种情况下参与冲突:一是白俄罗斯的独立和主权受到攻击,二是俄罗斯成为西方侵略的目标。在战争爆发三天后的一次演讲中,亚历山大•卢卡申科否认白俄罗斯军队卷入了这场冲突,但他表示,只有在总统弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)的明确要求下,他才会派遣军队前往乌克兰。导致这些结果的研究已经获得了2014-2021年欧洲经济区拨款项目“黑海和北冰洋俄罗斯地缘政治跨学科研究”的资助,合同号为:35/2021。关于投稿人的说明robert Gabriel ȚicălăuRobert Gabriel Țicălău目前在布加勒斯特大学罗马尼亚俄罗斯研究中心担任研究助理。他拥有布加勒斯特大学安全研究学士学位和国际关系硕士学位。他的研究兴趣包括前苏联地区政治制度的演变,黑海地区的冰冻冲突,以及白俄罗斯的外交政策。
{"title":"From strategic partner to co-aggressor: Russia’s attempts to lure Belarus into the war in Ukraine","authors":"Robert Gabriel Țicălău","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2263221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2263221","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAlthough Belarus is one of Russia’s strategic partners after the outbreak of the war in Donbas relations between the two states were increasingly tense. Since 2014, Alexander Lukashenko has refused to recognize the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and has tried to mediate the conflict by hosting peace talks in Minsk. Moreover, in 2018 and 2019, he refused Vladimir Putin’s proposals to deepen integration with Russia within the Union State. However, since the beginning of post-election protests and the imposition of harsh sanctions by the West, Alexander Lukashenko has tried to retain power and get closer to Russia. That is why he made a series of concessions to his Russian counterpart agreeing to adopt a new military doctrine of the Union State and to organize the military drills “Allied Resolve” on the territory of Belarus. This article examines how the Belarusian president reacted to Vladimir Putin’s attempts to lure him into the Russo-Ukrainian war throughout 2022. The paper shows that although initially, Alexander Lukashenko succumbed to Putin’s pressure to allow the Russian army to use Belarus to invade Ukraine, afterward he acted cautiously, avoiding at all costs the direct involvement of the Belarusian army in the war.KEYWORDS: Alexander LukashenkoBelarusVladimir PutinRussiaUkraine Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. In his speech to the National Assembly on January 28, 2022, Alexander Lukashenko claimed that he would allow the Belarusian army to participate in a conflict only in two cases: if faced with an attack on Belarusian independence and sovereignty, or if Russia was the target of aggression by the West.2. In a speech three days after the outbreak of war, Alexander Lukashenko denied the involvement of the Belarusian army in the conflict but said he would send it to Ukraine only at the express request of his counterpart Vladimir Putin.Additional informationFundingThe research leading to these results has received funding from the EEA Grants 2014-2021, under Project”Interdisciplinary Research on Russia’s Geopolitics in the Black Sea and the Arctic Ocean”, contract no. 35/2021.Notes on contributorsRobert Gabriel ȚicălăuRobert Gabriel Țicălău is currently working as a Research Assistant at the Romanian Center for Russian Studies at the University of Bucharest. He holds a BA in Security Studies and an MA in International Relations from the University of Bucharest. His research interests include the evolution of political regimes within the ex-Soviet space, the frozen conflicts in the Black Sea region, and Belarusian foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"441 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135481871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-30DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2263216
Chris Hann
The article opens with materials from the author’s research among east Slavs in Poland: a close-up portrayal of villagers classified as Ukrainians in the Polish People’s Republic, some of whom had no developed national consciousness; and an equally brief account of a postsocialist project in a nearby city, in which the boundaries between rival peoples were clearly drawn. Explanations for inconsistencies between individuals and enduring tensions between groups must be sought in the complicated history of this ethnic borderland. Collective identities and peoplehood are plastic. Outcomes are shaped by many factors: language and religion are fundamental, but account must also be taken of the contingencies of imperial politics, violence, industrialization, and the aspirations of intellectuals. The distinction between historical and non-historical peoples is found to be useful, but neither Ernest Gellner’s theory of nationalism nor conventional accounts of colonialism have much traction in this case. The implicit presentism of those who sacralize state boundaries at one point in time in the name of “sovereignty” has affinities with the functionalist presentism developed by Bronisław Malinowski in very different, non-European contexts. While that paradigm has few adherents nowadays, Malinowski’s posthumous critique of the state and “political sovereignty” is salutary for understanding the ongoing catastrophe in Ukraine.
{"title":"On peoples, history, and sovereignty","authors":"Chris Hann","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2263216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2263216","url":null,"abstract":"The article opens with materials from the author’s research among east Slavs in Poland: a close-up portrayal of villagers classified as Ukrainians in the Polish People’s Republic, some of whom had no developed national consciousness; and an equally brief account of a postsocialist project in a nearby city, in which the boundaries between rival peoples were clearly drawn. Explanations for inconsistencies between individuals and enduring tensions between groups must be sought in the complicated history of this ethnic borderland. Collective identities and peoplehood are plastic. Outcomes are shaped by many factors: language and religion are fundamental, but account must also be taken of the contingencies of imperial politics, violence, industrialization, and the aspirations of intellectuals. The distinction between historical and non-historical peoples is found to be useful, but neither Ernest Gellner’s theory of nationalism nor conventional accounts of colonialism have much traction in this case. The implicit presentism of those who sacralize state boundaries at one point in time in the name of “sovereignty” has affinities with the functionalist presentism developed by Bronisław Malinowski in very different, non-European contexts. While that paradigm has few adherents nowadays, Malinowski’s posthumous critique of the state and “political sovereignty” is salutary for understanding the ongoing catastrophe in Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136279491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2258609
Agnieszka Kubal
The decision of the Constitutional Tribunal in October 2020 has severely curtailed women’s reproductive rights in Poland. Mass protests ensued. This article focuses on the untold story of a productive rupture that channelled the protesters’ efforts into a mass legal mobilization against the tribunal’s judgement to the European Court of Human Rights. These applications, known as the “Women’s Complaint,” were filed by over one thousand Polish women. Triangulating between analysis of interviews with human rights lawyers and feminist activists, and the legal reasoning of the petition, this article’s original contribution traces the evolution of the Women’s Complaint from a reproductive rights dispute to a challenge to the government’s authoritarian backsliding to better understand the relationship between social conflicts and legal mobilization. Reproductive rights and democratic values are inextricable; threats to one reinforce threats to the other. The Women’s Complaint is about women standing up for their reproductive rights and – in effect – spearheading a much broader rights-based litigation against authoritarianism.
{"title":"The Women’s Complaint: sociolegal mobilization against authoritarian backsliding following the 2020 abortion law in Poland","authors":"Agnieszka Kubal","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2258609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2258609","url":null,"abstract":"The decision of the Constitutional Tribunal in October 2020 has severely curtailed women’s reproductive rights in Poland. Mass protests ensued. This article focuses on the untold story of a productive rupture that channelled the protesters’ efforts into a mass legal mobilization against the tribunal’s judgement to the European Court of Human Rights. These applications, known as the “Women’s Complaint,” were filed by over one thousand Polish women. Triangulating between analysis of interviews with human rights lawyers and feminist activists, and the legal reasoning of the petition, this article’s original contribution traces the evolution of the Women’s Complaint from a reproductive rights dispute to a challenge to the government’s authoritarian backsliding to better understand the relationship between social conflicts and legal mobilization. Reproductive rights and democratic values are inextricable; threats to one reinforce threats to the other. The Women’s Complaint is about women standing up for their reproductive rights and – in effect – spearheading a much broader rights-based litigation against authoritarianism.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136153396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2258610
Zsuzsanna Fehér, Katalin Ásványi
Research on sustainability in museums typically focuses on one dimension of sustainability, with little research on a holistic understanding of sustainability. Research on how museums align with sustainability is not a new topic, but rare in the context of contemporary art museums. The paper aims to analyse how European contemporary art museums have incorporated sustainability into their mission statements. The study uses a qualitative discourse analysis method to examine the content of the missions of 50 European contemporary art museums. From a regional perspective, in general, an openness towards sustainability and a holistic approach is less visible in the mission, but more so in non-CEE countries. Environmental management, economic stability and innovative, proactive behaviour are also stronger in non-CEE countries. In terms of societal roles CEE museums are primarily concerned with educating society, while non-CEE museums are already playing the role of the agent of change in social transformation.
{"title":"Differences in sustainability approaches from the mission statements of museums – the case of CEE and other European contemporary art museums","authors":"Zsuzsanna Fehér, Katalin Ásványi","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2258610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2258610","url":null,"abstract":"Research on sustainability in museums typically focuses on one dimension of sustainability, with little research on a holistic understanding of sustainability. Research on how museums align with sustainability is not a new topic, but rare in the context of contemporary art museums. The paper aims to analyse how European contemporary art museums have incorporated sustainability into their mission statements. The study uses a qualitative discourse analysis method to examine the content of the missions of 50 European contemporary art museums. From a regional perspective, in general, an openness towards sustainability and a holistic approach is less visible in the mission, but more so in non-CEE countries. Environmental management, economic stability and innovative, proactive behaviour are also stronger in non-CEE countries. In terms of societal roles CEE museums are primarily concerned with educating society, while non-CEE museums are already playing the role of the agent of change in social transformation.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"134 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135059339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-02DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2274671
A. Melegh, Zoltán Csányi
ABSTRACT Seeking to understand how socio-historical factors shaped global emigration trends in the new globalization cycle and how Eastern Europe’s integration into these processes might be linked to the rising nationalism and anti-migrant attitudes of this region, we created macro-models on a worldwide sample of 77 countries and examined the impact of the socio-economic change of the early 90’s on later emigration trends. The key research question refers to the macro-historical processes, which facilitated the spread and the rise of anti-migrant nationalism in Eastern Europe. Based on log-linear regression results, we found evidences, which support Bibó’s idea on how the historically evolving “misery” and insecurity of East European nations triggered migration anxieties in the opening-up phase of globalisation. Even though somewhat different developmental trajectories and structural pathways characterize the countries of this region – in terms of the cumulative impacts of opening up to global capital markets, the increasing incomes or re-ruralisation – an ex-socialist Eastern Europe at the fringe of an unequal and open market block seems to be a prime example of how the above pathways could have shaped public mentalities.
{"title":"Migration anxieties in Eastern Europe. Material grounds for an anti-migrant turn in a global-historical perspective?","authors":"A. Melegh, Zoltán Csányi","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2274671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2274671","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Seeking to understand how socio-historical factors shaped global emigration trends in the new globalization cycle and how Eastern Europe’s integration into these processes might be linked to the rising nationalism and anti-migrant attitudes of this region, we created macro-models on a worldwide sample of 77 countries and examined the impact of the socio-economic change of the early 90’s on later emigration trends. The key research question refers to the macro-historical processes, which facilitated the spread and the rise of anti-migrant nationalism in Eastern Europe. Based on log-linear regression results, we found evidences, which support Bibó’s idea on how the historically evolving “misery” and insecurity of East European nations triggered migration anxieties in the opening-up phase of globalisation. Even though somewhat different developmental trajectories and structural pathways characterize the countries of this region – in terms of the cumulative impacts of opening up to global capital markets, the increasing incomes or re-ruralisation – an ex-socialist Eastern Europe at the fringe of an unequal and open market block seems to be a prime example of how the above pathways could have shaped public mentalities.","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"7 1","pages":"561 - 584"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139343293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-02DOI: 10.1080/25739638.2023.2282253
Péter Berta
{"title":"The political economy of family life among Romanian Roma: re-discovering politics in economy-related family-level decision-making processes (introduction to the theme section)","authors":"Péter Berta","doi":"10.1080/25739638.2023.2282253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2023.2282253","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37199,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe","volume":"52 1","pages":"483 - 496"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139343347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}