Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/2057150X231152375
Donglin Zeng, Xiaogang Wu, Wei Chen
This paper examines whether the spatial concentration of migrants from the same province of origin (native-place in-group members) is associated with a greater degree of social distance from the native residents in Shanghai. Applying spatial clustering analysis to government population registration data, we first define spatial concentration as a high representation of native-place in-group members in a series of adjacent neighborhoods. Combining individual information with household survey data from the Shanghai Urban Neighborhood Survey, we link respondents with population registration data using information on the geographic location of each respondent and distinguish migrants living in spatially clustered communities from their counterparts living elsewhere. This study has two main findings. First, the spatial concentration of in-group members reinforces group identity. Second, migrants living in in-group-clustered communities tend to have a larger social distance from the native residents. We argue that this increased social distance can be explained by the residential segregation created by the spatial concentration of in-group members. We further classify in-group-concentrated communities into segregated and non-segregated communities. Compared with migrants living in non-segregated communities, only those living in segregated communities have a larger social distance from native residents. This finding is only applied to the sample of urban communities. We suspect that the spatial concentration of in-group members leads to greater preservation of the social norms and culture of migrants.
{"title":"Spatial concentration and the social distance of migrants: Evidence from Shanghai","authors":"Donglin Zeng, Xiaogang Wu, Wei Chen","doi":"10.1177/2057150X231152375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X231152375","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines whether the spatial concentration of migrants from the same province of origin (native-place in-group members) is associated with a greater degree of social distance from the native residents in Shanghai. Applying spatial clustering analysis to government population registration data, we first define spatial concentration as a high representation of native-place in-group members in a series of adjacent neighborhoods. Combining individual information with household survey data from the Shanghai Urban Neighborhood Survey, we link respondents with population registration data using information on the geographic location of each respondent and distinguish migrants living in spatially clustered communities from their counterparts living elsewhere. This study has two main findings. First, the spatial concentration of in-group members reinforces group identity. Second, migrants living in in-group-clustered communities tend to have a larger social distance from the native residents. We argue that this increased social distance can be explained by the residential segregation created by the spatial concentration of in-group members. We further classify in-group-concentrated communities into segregated and non-segregated communities. Compared with migrants living in non-segregated communities, only those living in segregated communities have a larger social distance from native residents. This finding is only applied to the sample of urban communities. We suspect that the spatial concentration of in-group members leads to greater preservation of the social norms and culture of migrants.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"9 1","pages":"72 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41332364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221150584
Shuoyan Li
In recent years, a growing number of publications has focused on the state–non-governmental organization relationship in China. However, most of these studies regard the state as “the government” and neglect the role of the Communist Party of China, a key player, in shaping the state–non-governmental organization relationship, as well as the difference between the government and the Communist Party of China. As the ruling party, the Communist Party of China exercises a tremendous influence over people's daily life. Current studies indicate that the government tends to use a strategy of categorization to control non-governmental organizations. What remains unclear, however, is whether the Party has a different impact on non-governmental organizations compared to the government and how it influences the relationship between the government and these organizations. This paper examines the emerging role of the Party since the policy implementation of “Strengthening the Party Organization in NGOs” in 2015, which requires all non-governmental organizations to establish Communist Party of China branch units. Two grassroots environmental non-governmental organizations were selected for the comparative case study of this paper, to examine the different mechanisms whereby the Party impacts such organizations. The findings indicate that only the Party is able to co-opt the leaders of non-governmental organizations and give them political credentials and capital that help to expand these organizations’ social networks and create a hospitable regulative environment for growth. The findings suggest that a close tie with the state does not necessarily mean a loss of autonomy. This study is by no means a comprehensive discussion of the impact of the Party on non-governmental organizations, and further research is needed to study the actual impact of this relationship on public governance.
{"title":"The power of co-optation: The party, political capital, and the development of grassroots non-governmental organizations","authors":"Shuoyan Li","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221150584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221150584","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, a growing number of publications has focused on the state–non-governmental organization relationship in China. However, most of these studies regard the state as “the government” and neglect the role of the Communist Party of China, a key player, in shaping the state–non-governmental organization relationship, as well as the difference between the government and the Communist Party of China. As the ruling party, the Communist Party of China exercises a tremendous influence over people's daily life. Current studies indicate that the government tends to use a strategy of categorization to control non-governmental organizations. What remains unclear, however, is whether the Party has a different impact on non-governmental organizations compared to the government and how it influences the relationship between the government and these organizations. This paper examines the emerging role of the Party since the policy implementation of “Strengthening the Party Organization in NGOs” in 2015, which requires all non-governmental organizations to establish Communist Party of China branch units. Two grassroots environmental non-governmental organizations were selected for the comparative case study of this paper, to examine the different mechanisms whereby the Party impacts such organizations. The findings indicate that only the Party is able to co-opt the leaders of non-governmental organizations and give them political credentials and capital that help to expand these organizations’ social networks and create a hospitable regulative environment for growth. The findings suggest that a close tie with the state does not necessarily mean a loss of autonomy. This study is by no means a comprehensive discussion of the impact of the Party on non-governmental organizations, and further research is needed to study the actual impact of this relationship on public governance.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"9 1","pages":"46 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45840089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221129338
I. Sam
China has long held the belief that “raising sons prevents hardships in old age”, which constitutes the financial incentive for the son preference that still prevails in some Asian nations. Using the 2012 China Longitudinal Aging Social Survey, this research examines the current state of the elderly's patrilineal beliefs regarding old-age security and how they are shaped by several transformations within the family. This study yields three significant findings. First, elderly parents who have sons asking for too much help and support tend to believe that “having daughters is best for one's old age”. Second, having more living sons lowers the likelihood of abandoning patrilineal beliefs regarding old-age security, while being sonless raises the likelihood. Finally, daughters’ growing commitment to their parents’ well-being increases the likelihood of non-customary beliefs with regard to old-age security. As a result, this study emphasizes the significance of women's active role in old-age support and low fertility in fostering gender equality and undermining patrilineality.
{"title":"From bringing up sons to raising daughters for old age: Patrilineal beliefs regarding old-age security in the Chinese mainland","authors":"I. Sam","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221129338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221129338","url":null,"abstract":"China has long held the belief that “raising sons prevents hardships in old age”, which constitutes the financial incentive for the son preference that still prevails in some Asian nations. Using the 2012 China Longitudinal Aging Social Survey, this research examines the current state of the elderly's patrilineal beliefs regarding old-age security and how they are shaped by several transformations within the family. This study yields three significant findings. First, elderly parents who have sons asking for too much help and support tend to believe that “having daughters is best for one's old age”. Second, having more living sons lowers the likelihood of abandoning patrilineal beliefs regarding old-age security, while being sonless raises the likelihood. Finally, daughters’ growing commitment to their parents’ well-being increases the likelihood of non-customary beliefs with regard to old-age security. As a result, this study emphasizes the significance of women's active role in old-age support and low fertility in fostering gender equality and undermining patrilineality.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"474 - 498"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41699156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221129343
Chao Shen
The motherhood penalty is an important issue in the field of family and gender inequality research. China has experienced rapid economic growth and drastic social change in recent decades, but existing studies fail to provide an overview of changes in the effect of the motherhood penalty during this period. This article uses data from the China Health and Nutrition Survey from 1989 to 2015 and applies a multi-layer mixed-effects model to study the severity of the motherhood penalty and the various mechanisms affecting it over that period. This study shows the following: (a) childbirth has a negative impact on women's wages and the severity of this impact continues to increase, showing that the effect of the motherhood penalty has become harsher over time; (b) although the motherhood penalty was initially lower for single mothers than for married ones, it has increased for both groups of women over the period and the rate of growth has been much faster for single mothers and, thus, the difference between the two groups in terms of the effect of the motherhood penalty has narrowed gradually over the period; (c) the long-term effect of the motherhood penalty is normally less pronounced than the short-term effect, but the long-term effect has grown at a much quicker rate over recent years compared with the short-term effect, and in more recent years these two effects are almost the same; (d) the higher the education level of women, the lower the effect of the motherhood penalty, but as the effect of the penalty has intensified over the period of study, the difference across different education levels has decreased; and (e) the effect of the motherhood penalty on female employees in the non-state sector is greater than that on female employees in the state sector, and the effect of the motherhood penalty on female employees in the non-state sector has increased rapidly, while the change has remained slow in the state sector, resulting in a widening gap between the two sectors. This study shows that the dramatic social and economic change in recent decades has subjected women to greater and greater maternal responsibilities but has afforded them disproportionately fewer benefits in relation to economic development.
{"title":"Widening inequality: The evolution of the motherhood penalty in China (1989–2015)","authors":"Chao Shen","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221129343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221129343","url":null,"abstract":"The motherhood penalty is an important issue in the field of family and gender inequality research. China has experienced rapid economic growth and drastic social change in recent decades, but existing studies fail to provide an overview of changes in the effect of the motherhood penalty during this period. This article uses data from the China Health and Nutrition Survey from 1989 to 2015 and applies a multi-layer mixed-effects model to study the severity of the motherhood penalty and the various mechanisms affecting it over that period. This study shows the following: (a) childbirth has a negative impact on women's wages and the severity of this impact continues to increase, showing that the effect of the motherhood penalty has become harsher over time; (b) although the motherhood penalty was initially lower for single mothers than for married ones, it has increased for both groups of women over the period and the rate of growth has been much faster for single mothers and, thus, the difference between the two groups in terms of the effect of the motherhood penalty has narrowed gradually over the period; (c) the long-term effect of the motherhood penalty is normally less pronounced than the short-term effect, but the long-term effect has grown at a much quicker rate over recent years compared with the short-term effect, and in more recent years these two effects are almost the same; (d) the higher the education level of women, the lower the effect of the motherhood penalty, but as the effect of the penalty has intensified over the period of study, the difference across different education levels has decreased; and (e) the effect of the motherhood penalty on female employees in the non-state sector is greater than that on female employees in the state sector, and the effect of the motherhood penalty on female employees in the non-state sector has increased rapidly, while the change has remained slow in the state sector, resulting in a widening gap between the two sectors. This study shows that the dramatic social and economic change in recent decades has subjected women to greater and greater maternal responsibilities but has afforded them disproportionately fewer benefits in relation to economic development.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"499 - 533"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47320261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-26DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221124758
Qingong Wei
In the process of rapid transition, high income inequality and high public tolerance for inequality coexist in China. This phenomenon and its empirical and theoretical conundrum require exploration and explanation. With data from the 2013 Chinese General Social Survey, this article identifies and tests two forms of income inequality and their impacts on public tolerance. Analytical results of the mediating effect of “social context–subject perception” suggest that objective income inequality and perceived inequality have different effects on public tolerance. The statistical data consistently show that objective income inequality has no direct impact on public tolerance. But the larger the perceived inequality, the less it is tolerated. Meanwhile, actual big disparities are not accurately perceived by individuals. The existence of “perception bias” and contextual segmentation effects makes it easier for individuals to “capture” income disparity at the district and county level rather than at the provincial level, and at the current time rather than in the past. The misperception of objective inequality manifests differently among subgroups. Women and urban residents, as well as groups of medium education level, high income, and a high degree of access to information, are often more sensitive to income inequality. There is also an inverted U-shaped relationship between age and perceived income inequality. The results point to the heterogeneous effects of distribution structure and localization of individual perceptions as the key to explaining the paradox between high income inequality and high public tolerance of inequality. In other words, it is due to status-structure constraints and temporal-spatial conditions that the majority of citizens see the current income disparity as being within its tolerable limits. The implication of this study is that one should not take the public tolerance of the status quo lightly but make greater effort to optimize the localized income distribution structure.
{"title":"Income disparity, perceptions of inequality, and public tolerance","authors":"Qingong Wei","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221124758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221124758","url":null,"abstract":"In the process of rapid transition, high income inequality and high public tolerance for inequality coexist in China. This phenomenon and its empirical and theoretical conundrum require exploration and explanation. With data from the 2013 Chinese General Social Survey, this article identifies and tests two forms of income inequality and their impacts on public tolerance. Analytical results of the mediating effect of “social context–subject perception” suggest that objective income inequality and perceived inequality have different effects on public tolerance. The statistical data consistently show that objective income inequality has no direct impact on public tolerance. But the larger the perceived inequality, the less it is tolerated. Meanwhile, actual big disparities are not accurately perceived by individuals. The existence of “perception bias” and contextual segmentation effects makes it easier for individuals to “capture” income disparity at the district and county level rather than at the provincial level, and at the current time rather than in the past. The misperception of objective inequality manifests differently among subgroups. Women and urban residents, as well as groups of medium education level, high income, and a high degree of access to information, are often more sensitive to income inequality. There is also an inverted U-shaped relationship between age and perceived income inequality. The results point to the heterogeneous effects of distribution structure and localization of individual perceptions as the key to explaining the paradox between high income inequality and high public tolerance of inequality. In other words, it is due to status-structure constraints and temporal-spatial conditions that the majority of citizens see the current income disparity as being within its tolerable limits. The implication of this study is that one should not take the public tolerance of the status quo lightly but make greater effort to optimize the localized income distribution structure.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"596 - 635"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43720462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221123622
Jie Li, Mireille Batamuliza, E. Karangwa
The labor arrangement of industrial society makes “production and reproduction” a contradiction that is both separate and interdependent. One of the significant consequences is the re-establishment of the responsibilities and boundaries of production and reproduction between the modern state, market, family, and gender. After the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, Rwanda has made world-renowned achievements in advancing gender equality, especially women's participation in politics. It is the “twofold full-time producers” model that continuously sustains this huge achievement, which means that female leaders not only bear a highly demanding responsibility for production, comparable to men, but also undertake significant labor in social reproduction. The public policy of Rwanda has assumed a dual role in this process: on the one hand, the state has promulgated a series of gender equality bills, policies, and measures from top to bottom that actively promote women's equal rights in various fields, especially their political participation. On the other hand, against the background of a severe labor shortage and insufficient public welfare facilities, the responsibility of private families for social reproduction has been maintained and strengthened, while the traditional family structure and community culture's share of responsibility for reproduction has been irreversibly weakened during the conflict and modernization process. While these female leaders rely on their individual strategies and informal social support systems to cope with the dual burden, they still face scrutiny and doubt from the community culture. The consensus on the destiny of the country's development and the sharing of historical responsibilities demonstrated by Rwanda's female leaders shares many similarities with the Chinese women's liberation movement, which also provides an important inspiration and reference point for rethinking the path of women's liberation characterized by economic independence and “the supremacy of production”.
{"title":"Heroines who are rebuilding their country: State–society circumstances and coping strategies of female leaders in post-genocide Rwanda","authors":"Jie Li, Mireille Batamuliza, E. Karangwa","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221123622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221123622","url":null,"abstract":"The labor arrangement of industrial society makes “production and reproduction” a contradiction that is both separate and interdependent. One of the significant consequences is the re-establishment of the responsibilities and boundaries of production and reproduction between the modern state, market, family, and gender. After the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, Rwanda has made world-renowned achievements in advancing gender equality, especially women's participation in politics. It is the “twofold full-time producers” model that continuously sustains this huge achievement, which means that female leaders not only bear a highly demanding responsibility for production, comparable to men, but also undertake significant labor in social reproduction. The public policy of Rwanda has assumed a dual role in this process: on the one hand, the state has promulgated a series of gender equality bills, policies, and measures from top to bottom that actively promote women's equal rights in various fields, especially their political participation. On the other hand, against the background of a severe labor shortage and insufficient public welfare facilities, the responsibility of private families for social reproduction has been maintained and strengthened, while the traditional family structure and community culture's share of responsibility for reproduction has been irreversibly weakened during the conflict and modernization process. While these female leaders rely on their individual strategies and informal social support systems to cope with the dual burden, they still face scrutiny and doubt from the community culture. The consensus on the destiny of the country's development and the sharing of historical responsibilities demonstrated by Rwanda's female leaders shares many similarities with the Chinese women's liberation movement, which also provides an important inspiration and reference point for rethinking the path of women's liberation characterized by economic independence and “the supremacy of production”.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"534 - 561"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41836733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-09DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221121698
Xinxi Wang, Tianguang Meng
The issue of whether the internet promotes political participation has always been a hotly debated topic in academia. However, current research lacks an effective classification of the modes of internet use, and it does not analyze their effect on different forms of political participation. Based on data from the 2015 and 2018 waves of the China Urban Governance Survey, this study offers an examination of the internet usage behavior of Chinese urban netizens from the perspectives of internet involvement and information consumption, as well as comparing the impact that different modes of internet use have on conventional and unconventional political participation. The results of this study confirm the “citizen-empowerment hypothesis” of internet use, and show that the “group involvement–social-information-oriented” mode of internet use has a positive effect on the conventional and unconventional political participation of urban internet users. However, the study fails to support the “time-displacement hypothesis”. It shows that the “individual involvement–entertainment-oriented” mode of internet use does not have a negative impact on the conventional and unconventional political participation of Chinese urban internet users. Similarly, the “group involvement–entertainment-oriented” mode of internet use has no significant effect on unconventional political participation. Taken together, the study shows that, in general, internet use has promoted the political participation of Chinese urban netizens, but there are significant differences between the different modes of internet use. As a revolutionary medium, the internet not only provides people with a convenient way of obtaining and communicating information, but also creates more challenges for state governance. The way in which the government should deal with different forms of political participation in the internet age will be an important research topic in the future.
{"title":"Internet involvement, information consumption, and political participation in urban China","authors":"Xinxi Wang, Tianguang Meng","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221121698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221121698","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of whether the internet promotes political participation has always been a hotly debated topic in academia. However, current research lacks an effective classification of the modes of internet use, and it does not analyze their effect on different forms of political participation. Based on data from the 2015 and 2018 waves of the China Urban Governance Survey, this study offers an examination of the internet usage behavior of Chinese urban netizens from the perspectives of internet involvement and information consumption, as well as comparing the impact that different modes of internet use have on conventional and unconventional political participation. The results of this study confirm the “citizen-empowerment hypothesis” of internet use, and show that the “group involvement–social-information-oriented” mode of internet use has a positive effect on the conventional and unconventional political participation of urban internet users. However, the study fails to support the “time-displacement hypothesis”. It shows that the “individual involvement–entertainment-oriented” mode of internet use does not have a negative impact on the conventional and unconventional political participation of Chinese urban internet users. Similarly, the “group involvement–entertainment-oriented” mode of internet use has no significant effect on unconventional political participation. Taken together, the study shows that, in general, internet use has promoted the political participation of Chinese urban netizens, but there are significant differences between the different modes of internet use. As a revolutionary medium, the internet not only provides people with a convenient way of obtaining and communicating information, but also creates more challenges for state governance. The way in which the government should deal with different forms of political participation in the internet age will be an important research topic in the future.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"562 - 595"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46982913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-04DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221123388
K. Chan
China's state-owned enterprises are among the largest firms in the world, dominating key sectors of the Chinese economy and playing a major role in Chinese projects abroad through the Belt and Road Initiative. This article describes a system of “managed competition” among China's state-owned enterprises that attempts to harness the forces of competition while intervening to ensure a robust field of capable competitors. This system is implemented through a multi-level structure where parent state-owned enterprises coordinate and balance competition among a set of similarly resourced subsidiaries through the allocation of management personnel and resources. This article examines how this approach works in practice through an in-depth empirical case study of two of China's largest infrastructure construction firms: China Railway Group Limited and China Railway Construction Corporation. Understanding the internal structure and operations of China's state-owned enterprises sheds light on a crucial part of China's political economy and on China's efforts to extend its influence globally.
{"title":"Inside China’s state-owned enterprises: Managed competition through a multi-level structure","authors":"K. Chan","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221123388","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221123388","url":null,"abstract":"China's state-owned enterprises are among the largest firms in the world, dominating key sectors of the Chinese economy and playing a major role in Chinese projects abroad through the Belt and Road Initiative. This article describes a system of “managed competition” among China's state-owned enterprises that attempts to harness the forces of competition while intervening to ensure a robust field of capable competitors. This system is implemented through a multi-level structure where parent state-owned enterprises coordinate and balance competition among a set of similarly resourced subsidiaries through the allocation of management personnel and resources. This article examines how this approach works in practice through an in-depth empirical case study of two of China's largest infrastructure construction firms: China Railway Group Limited and China Railway Construction Corporation. Understanding the internal structure and operations of China's state-owned enterprises sheds light on a crucial part of China's political economy and on China's efforts to extend its influence globally.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"453 - 473"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44604963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221111523
Muyuan Luo, Gaoran Chen, Qing He, Shaojie Qi
In recent decades, sexuality studies has become an increasingly important field of social scientific research in and beyond China. This paper uses CiteSpace and VOSviewer to carry out a bibliometric analysis of 26,975 sexuality-related papers included in the Web of Science database in the past four decades through mapping knowledge domains. Situating the literature on Chinese sexuality studies in global English-language academia, this study adopts performance analysis, collaboration network analysis, and co-citation network analysis to identify the main bodies that produce knowledge in the field and their networks of collaboration. We also depict the research trends and the hotspots in the field of (Chinese) sexuality research. Drawing on insights from postcolonial sociology, we discuss the epistemic politics in the social scientific knowledge production of (Chinese) sexuality that emerges from the findings. Specifically, we recognize the importance of a global intellectual division of labor whereby Westerners theorize the world and the rest of the world serves as data. We argue that the early stage of Chinese sexuality research was largely conditioned and profoundly influenced by this Western-centric global intellectual division of labor in terms of research problematics and themes. Recent development in the field, by contrast, indicates a departure from this labor division by challenging the Western-centric notion of sexuality and opening up possibilities of theorizing sexuality from an Asian/Chinese perspective.
{"title":"Knowledge production and epistemic politics: A scientometric review of Chinese sexuality studies in English-language academia","authors":"Muyuan Luo, Gaoran Chen, Qing He, Shaojie Qi","doi":"10.1177/2057150X221111523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X221111523","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, sexuality studies has become an increasingly important field of social scientific research in and beyond China. This paper uses CiteSpace and VOSviewer to carry out a bibliometric analysis of 26,975 sexuality-related papers included in the Web of Science database in the past four decades through mapping knowledge domains. Situating the literature on Chinese sexuality studies in global English-language academia, this study adopts performance analysis, collaboration network analysis, and co-citation network analysis to identify the main bodies that produce knowledge in the field and their networks of collaboration. We also depict the research trends and the hotspots in the field of (Chinese) sexuality research. Drawing on insights from postcolonial sociology, we discuss the epistemic politics in the social scientific knowledge production of (Chinese) sexuality that emerges from the findings. Specifically, we recognize the importance of a global intellectual division of labor whereby Westerners theorize the world and the rest of the world serves as data. We argue that the early stage of Chinese sexuality research was largely conditioned and profoundly influenced by this Western-centric global intellectual division of labor in terms of research problematics and themes. Recent development in the field, by contrast, indicates a departure from this labor division by challenging the Western-centric notion of sexuality and opening up possibilities of theorizing sexuality from an Asian/Chinese perspective.","PeriodicalId":37302,"journal":{"name":"社会","volume":"8 1","pages":"330 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47071033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/2057150X221114599
Jia Yu, Weixiang Luo, Yuhao Xie
In the past four decades, sexuality research in China has made considerable advancements. From historical and sociological perspectives, our study reviews the literature and provides a comprehensive overview of sexuality in contemporary China by drawing on recent survey data that we collected. First, we introduce sexuality in ancient and modern China and discuss the social contexts that gave rise to a sexual revolution in China. Second, we briefly review empirical research on sexuality in China. Finally, we present results on recent changes and socioeconomic patterns of sexual attitudes and behaviors based on our survey—the 2020 Chinese Private Life Survey. A cohort analysis reveals that sexual attitudes have become more liberal in China, with an earlier sex debut and more diverse sexual activities. Surprisingly, however, we find that sexuality seems to have diminished in its appeal among young cohorts, who have lower rates of sexual frequency than preceding cohorts. In addition, we find a reversal in educational gradient in relation to sexual activeness and diversity. Among those born before 1980, highly educated Chinese are more sexually active, while among those born after 1980 the lower educated are more sexually active—in terms of their sexual activity with their partners, seeking out sexual partners online, and engaging in commercial sex. Compared with women, men have higher levels of sexual well-being.
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