Pub Date : 2019-10-29DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.017.11082
J. Linde-Usiekniewicz
Wh+To Non-Restrictive Clauses in Polish and Related Phenomena. Part Two: Establishing the Role of to in Appositive Clauses, Adverbials and Interrogatives
波兰语中的非限制性从句及其相关现象。第二部分:确定to在同位语从句、状语和疑问句中的作用
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Pub Date : 2019-03-20DOI: 10.4467/23005920SPL.19.003.10283
Marijana Marelj
Under any derivational approach, syntactic computations proceed from more complex to less complex domains. Though such multiple workspaces get to be resolved into a single – matrix – workspace, the issue of timing– i.e. the point when multiple workspaces must resolve to a single derivational space has not been addressed in the literature. I argue that not only the direction, but also the timing of syntactic computations is guided by a more general requirement to reduce the computational complexity and I propose Multiple Workspaces Earliness Hypothesis to address this issue. On the empirical side, the technical apparatus and the analysis I propose allow me to capture the seemingly contradictory binding facts involving locative PPs as well as to treat adjuncts as relation, rather than absolute notions.
{"title":"Timing is Everything! On Derivational Complexity and Multiple Workspaces","authors":"Marijana Marelj","doi":"10.4467/23005920SPL.19.003.10283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.19.003.10283","url":null,"abstract":"Under any derivational approach, syntactic computations proceed from more complex to less complex domains. Though such multiple workspaces get to be resolved into a single – matrix – workspace, the issue of timing– i.e. the point when multiple workspaces must resolve to a single derivational space has not been addressed in the literature. I argue that not only the direction, but also the timing of syntactic computations is guided by a more general requirement to reduce the computational complexity and I propose Multiple Workspaces Earliness Hypothesis to address this issue. On the empirical side, the technical apparatus and the analysis I propose allow me to capture the seemingly contradictory binding facts involving locative PPs as well as to treat adjuncts as relation, rather than absolute notions.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46860281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the Adverbialization of Polish Indefinite Quantifiers of Nominal Origin: A Diachronic Study of Trochę ‘a bit’, Odrobinę ‘a bit’, and Masę ‘a lot’","authors":"D. Herda","doi":"10.4467/23005920SPL.19.002.10282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.19.002.10282","url":null,"abstract":"On the Adverbialization of Polish Indefinite Quantifiers of Nominal Origin: A Diachronic Study of Troche ‘a bit’, Odrobine ‘a bit’, and Mase ‘a lot’","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46748673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.005.10985
M. R. Manzini
The core proposal of this contribution is that in [P DP] or [K DP] structures, where K, P are oblique prepositions or cases, either P/K or DP can label the resulting constituent. If PP/KP is the resulting label, the constituent does not provide a goal for Agree. If DP is the resulting label, the constituent behaves like any other DP, providing a goal for Agree. This is what we call the agreement parameter for structural obliques. Inherent obliques, i.e. those selected by a predicate, obligatorily project as PP/KP. In section 1 we use this hypothesis to explain variation in the agreement pattern of pseudopartitives, in section 2 we institue a parallelism with Differential Object Marking (DOM). In section 3, we illustrate a consequence of the same labelling algorithm independent of agreement, arguing that so-called Romance partitive articles include the partitive preposition di ‘of ’, but at the same time project as DPs.
该贡献的核心建议是，在[P DP]或[K DP]结构中，其中K, P是倾斜介词或大小写，P/K或DP都可以标记所产生的成分。如果PP/KP是结果标签，则选民不提供同意的目标。如果DP是结果标签，则组成部分的行为与任何其他DP一样，为Agree提供目标。这就是我们所说的结构斜面的一致性参数。固有斜面，即由谓词选择的斜面，必须投影为PP/KP。在第1节中，我们使用这个假设来解释伪目标的协议模式的变化，在第2节中，我们建立了与差分对象标记(DOM)的并行性。在第3节中，我们说明了独立于协议的相同标记算法的结果，认为所谓的浪漫分词冠词包括分词介词di ' of '，但同时作为dp项目。
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Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.015.11080
J. Linde-Usiekniewicz
1 Abstract This paper presents a comparison between to -bearing relative clauses, adverbials and interrogatives on the one hand, vs. their to -less variants on the other, and discusses the functions associated with the presence of to. It is argued that at least three different instances of to should be distinguished. One converts relative clauses into appositive ones, which are necessarily semantically connected to the matrix clause and it makes the semantic connec-tion override even apparent lack of appropriate syntactic connection. It attaches to relativizers, including gdzie ‘where’ and kiedy ‘when’ relative clauses. It is argued that the same segment is present in adverbials, triggering a factitive presupposition, as is the case of appositive relatives generally. The second to links the content of a kind relative, an adverbial or a wh -interrogative to previous contexts, possibly triggering a pragmatic presupposition. The third converts standard wh -interrogatives into either rhetorical or thetic questions. It is argued that while in the third instance we are dealing with a separate word and in the second with a clitic, the first to , hitherto unidentified or possibly falsely identified in relevant literature, appears to have both some characteristics of a clitic and of an
摘要本文比较了带to的关系分句、状语和疑问句与不带to的关系分句的区别，并讨论了带to的关系分句的功能。有人认为，至少应该区分三种不同的to的实例。一是将关系子句转化为同位子句，而同位子句与矩阵子句之间必然存在语义联系，甚至使语义联系凌驾于明显缺乏适当句法联系的关系之上。它附属于相对从句，包括gdzie ' where '和kiedy ' when '关系从句。有人认为，同样的片段出现在状语中，引发一个主动的预设，就像一般的同位语亲属的情况一样。第二个to将一类关系词、状语或疑问句的内容与前面的上下文联系起来，可能引发语用预设。第三种是将标准疑问句转化为修辞问句或修辞问句。有人认为，在第三种情况下，我们处理的是一个单独的词，而在第二种情况下，我们处理的是一个修饰语，而第一个to，迄今为止在相关文献中尚未确定或可能被错误地确定，似乎同时具有修饰语和an的某些特征
{"title":"Wh+To Non-Restrictive Clauses in Polish and Related Phenomena. Part One. Wh vs. Wh-to Relative Clauses: An Overview","authors":"J. Linde-Usiekniewicz","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.015.11080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.015.11080","url":null,"abstract":"1 Abstract This paper presents a comparison between to -bearing relative clauses, adverbials and interrogatives on the one hand, vs. their to -less variants on the other, and discusses the functions associated with the presence of to. It is argued that at least three different instances of to should be distinguished. One converts relative clauses into appositive ones, which are necessarily semantically connected to the matrix clause and it makes the semantic connec-tion override even apparent lack of appropriate syntactic connection. It attaches to relativizers, including gdzie ‘where’ and kiedy ‘when’ relative clauses. It is argued that the same segment is present in adverbials, triggering a factitive presupposition, as is the case of appositive relatives generally. The second to links the content of a kind relative, an adverbial or a wh -interrogative to previous contexts, possibly triggering a pragmatic presupposition. The third converts standard wh -interrogatives into either rhetorical or thetic questions. It is argued that while in the third instance we are dealing with a separate word and in the second with a clitic, the first to , hitherto unidentified or possibly falsely identified in relevant literature, appears to have both some characteristics of a clitic and of an","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.004.10984
Gurmeet Kaur, Louise Raynaud
This paper introduces two instances of person effects with 3 rd person items – the reflexive clitic se in French and the non-honorific clitic pronoun suu in Punjabi. Examining the properties of these items, we argue against the phi-feature based accounts of person licensing. Instead, we re-conceptualize it as a syntactico-semantic phenomenon, which requires a pronominal to be contextually-anchored via a feature labeled [F]. More globally, this paper attempts to work out the special status of person and articulate why person requires special licensing in grammar.
{"title":"3rd Person Needs Licensing Too: Examining the se/suu Connection","authors":"Gurmeet Kaur, Louise Raynaud","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.004.10984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.004.10984","url":null,"abstract":"This paper introduces two instances of person effects with 3 rd person items – the reflexive clitic se in French and the non-honorific clitic pronoun suu in Punjabi. Examining the properties of these items, we argue against the phi-feature based accounts of person licensing. Instead, we re-conceptualize it as a syntactico-semantic phenomenon, which requires a pronominal to be contextually-anchored via a feature labeled [F]. More globally, this paper attempts to work out the special status of person and articulate why person requires special licensing in grammar.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.008.10988
Sławomir Zdziebko
Polish adnominal participles accept a wide range of event modifiers except when they are additionally modified by focus or phase particles corresponding to still . The paper argues that the semantic contribution of still is incompatible with the change-of-state component of the meaning of participles. While still presupposes that the property denoted by the participle holds over the initial proper subinterval during which the focalized state holds, the measure-of-change function found in resultative participles entails that the relevant subinterval corresponds to the change of state over which the relevant property does not hold yet. The participles modifiable by still are argued to lack the change-of-state component.
{"title":"The Semantics of still and the Modification of Polish Adnominal Participles","authors":"Sławomir Zdziebko","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.008.10988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.008.10988","url":null,"abstract":"Polish adnominal participles accept a wide range of event modifiers except when they are additionally modified by focus or phase particles corresponding to still . The paper argues that the semantic contribution of still is incompatible with the change-of-state component of the meaning of participles. While still presupposes that the property denoted by the participle holds over the initial proper subinterval during which the focalized state holds, the measure-of-change function found in resultative participles entails that the relevant subinterval corresponds to the change of state over which the relevant property does not hold yet. The participles modifiable by still are argued to lack the change-of-state component.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.010.10990
B. Vogt
This contribution deals with secondary stress in Modern Standard German (MSG) and its relevance in affixation using the verbal prefix ver -. While the pattern ver +stressed syllable or ver+ schwa is allowed, ver +unstressed syllable is avoided in contemporary German (see also Kaltenbacher 1999). Diachronical data reveals that in earlier stages this prosodic restriction was not as strong as in MSG. The consistency with which verbs with the pattern ver +unstressed syllable are discarded in MSG (confirmed by look-ups in corpora and dictionaries) is a strong argument for the hypothesis that the relinquishment is due to a form of blocking related to the stress properties of the direct base: The affix ver - needs a direct base with some initial prominence, that is with primary or secondary stress. The only (ap-parent) exception to this stress condition is a base containing a schwa syllable which seems to be “invisible” for the stress-seeking prefix. Verbal derivation with the prefix ver - demonstrates that the stress properties of the base have to be taken into account also with regard to secondary stress. The data provided in this paper can count as further evidence for the existence and relevance of secondary stress in Modern Standard German and its interaction with morphology.
{"title":"Evidence for the Relevance of Secondary Stress in German: Prosodic Restrictions in Verbal Prefixation with ver-","authors":"B. Vogt","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.010.10990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.010.10990","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution deals with secondary stress in Modern Standard German (MSG) and its relevance in affixation using the verbal prefix ver -. While the pattern ver +stressed syllable or ver+ schwa is allowed, ver +unstressed syllable is avoided in contemporary German (see also Kaltenbacher 1999). Diachronical data reveals that in earlier stages this prosodic restriction was not as strong as in MSG. The consistency with which verbs with the pattern ver +unstressed syllable are discarded in MSG (confirmed by look-ups in corpora and dictionaries) is a strong argument for the hypothesis that the relinquishment is due to a form of blocking related to the stress properties of the direct base: The affix ver - needs a direct base with some initial prominence, that is with primary or secondary stress. The only (ap-parent) exception to this stress condition is a base containing a schwa syllable which seems to be “invisible” for the stress-seeking prefix. Verbal derivation with the prefix ver - demonstrates that the stress properties of the base have to be taken into account also with regard to secondary stress. The data provided in this paper can count as further evidence for the existence and relevance of secondary stress in Modern Standard German and its interaction with morphology.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.014.11079
S. Franks
In a series of works and using a variety of diagnostics, Bošković argues that languages can be divided into those in which nominals project to DP and those in which they do not. Since Bulgarian (and Macedonian) express definiteness morphologically, they would appear to differ from Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian (and Slovenian) in counte-nancing DP, but recent work argues that evidence for Bg as a DP-language is not so clear cut. In an attempt to set the record straight about the South Slavic data she describes, this paper addresses the criticisms specifically raised by LaTerza (2016), who explores Despić’s (2009, 2011, 2013) observations about binding and phasehood in BCMS. In revisiting her claims it will be shown that the relevant differences between the South Slavic languages do in fact lend support to the “parameterized DP” account of the different binding possibilities.
{"title":"Binding and Phasehood in South Slavic Revisited","authors":"S. Franks","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.014.11079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.014.11079","url":null,"abstract":"In a series of works and using a variety of diagnostics, Bošković argues that languages can be divided into those in which nominals project to DP and those in which they do not. Since Bulgarian (and Macedonian) express definiteness morphologically, they would appear to differ from Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian (and Slovenian) in counte-nancing DP, but recent work argues that evidence for Bg as a DP-language is not so clear cut. In an attempt to set the record straight about the South Slavic data she describes, this paper addresses the criticisms specifically raised by LaTerza (2016), who explores Despić’s (2009, 2011, 2013) observations about binding and phasehood in BCMS. In revisiting her claims it will be shown that the relevant differences between the South Slavic languages do in fact lend support to the “parameterized DP” account of the different binding possibilities.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.19.007.10987
B. Rozwadowska, A. Bondaruk
The paper examines Object Experiencer (henceforth, OE)/Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verb alternations in Polish in order to check whether Polish exhibits the causative/ anticausative alternation in the psych domain ( psych causative alternation of Alexiadou and Iordăchioaia 2014, henceforth A&I 2014). The focus is on two types of SE reflexive alternants of OE verbs, i.e., (i) SE forms with an obligatory instrumental case-marked DP derived from stative OE roots, and (ii) SE forms with an optional instrumental DP derived from eventive OE roots. It is argued that in both cases the reflexive SE alternants of either stative or eventive OE verbs have an obligatory or optional instrumental DP which acts as a complement and represents a Target/Subject Matter (henceforth, T/SM, cf. Pesetsky 1995), not a Cause. Therefore, the reflexive OE/SE verb alternation cannot be of the causa-tive/anticausative type. Monovalent reflexive SE verbs, lacking an instrumental DP alto-gether, are unergative (Reinhart 2001), not unaccusative (contra A&I 2014). The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that the psych causative alternation is absent in Polish.
{"title":"Against the Psych Causative Alternation in Polish","authors":"B. Rozwadowska, A. Bondaruk","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.007.10987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.007.10987","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines Object Experiencer (henceforth, OE)/Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verb alternations in Polish in order to check whether Polish exhibits the causative/ anticausative alternation in the psych domain ( psych causative alternation of Alexiadou and Iordăchioaia 2014, henceforth A&I 2014). The focus is on two types of SE reflexive alternants of OE verbs, i.e., (i) SE forms with an obligatory instrumental case-marked DP derived from stative OE roots, and (ii) SE forms with an optional instrumental DP derived from eventive OE roots. It is argued that in both cases the reflexive SE alternants of either stative or eventive OE verbs have an obligatory or optional instrumental DP which acts as a complement and represents a Target/Subject Matter (henceforth, T/SM, cf. Pesetsky 1995), not a Cause. Therefore, the reflexive OE/SE verb alternation cannot be of the causa-tive/anticausative type. Monovalent reflexive SE verbs, lacking an instrumental DP alto-gether, are unergative (Reinhart 2001), not unaccusative (contra A&I 2014). The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that the psych causative alternation is absent in Polish.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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