Pub Date : 2024-07-03DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.24.002.19743
J. Latkowska
This study examines the temporal architecture of Polish film retellings within the research framework developed by Christiane von Stutterheim and colleagues, who identified grammaticalized progressive and imperfective aspects as powerful agents capable of influencing event construal, and through it, the organisation of discourse. Based on this finding, the study explores 30 offline film retellings to find out whether their narrative structure reflects the patterns attributed to the influence of a grammaticalised imperfective (IMPF). The results show that narrators consistently build the storyline using the present tense and the IMPF. In Polish, present tense verb forms encode the IMPF predominantly in the stem or in a grammaticalised secondary imperfective (SI) marker. As revealed by the study, the SI is used rather sparingly in the retellings. Another feature of note is a scarcity of connectives, found to coincide with the presence of grammaticalised imperfective markers in the languages examined under the framework. The study concludes that, due to low usage rates for the SI, there is not sufficient evidence to support the existence of a causal relationship between the grammaticalisation of the IMPF and narrative frames in Polish, and points to a formative role of discourse mode dynamics in shaping temporal progression.
{"title":"Temporal progression in film retellings in Polish: Perspectives on the interaction of the imperfective aspect and narrative principles","authors":"J. Latkowska","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.24.002.19743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.24.002.19743","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the temporal architecture of Polish film retellings within the research framework developed by Christiane von Stutterheim and colleagues, who identified grammaticalized progressive and imperfective aspects as powerful agents capable of influencing event construal, and through it, the organisation of discourse. Based on this finding, the study explores 30 offline film retellings to find out whether their narrative structure reflects the patterns attributed to the influence of a grammaticalised imperfective (IMPF). The results show that narrators consistently build the storyline using the present tense and the IMPF. In Polish, present tense verb forms encode the IMPF predominantly in the stem or in a grammaticalised secondary imperfective (SI) marker. As revealed by the study, the SI is used rather sparingly in the retellings. Another feature of note is a scarcity of connectives, found to coincide with the presence of grammaticalised imperfective markers in the languages examined under the framework. The study concludes that, due to low usage rates for the SI, there is not sufficient evidence to support the existence of a causal relationship between the grammaticalisation of the IMPF and narrative frames in Polish, and points to a formative role of discourse mode dynamics in shaping temporal progression.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"48 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141683040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-03DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.24.001.19742
Marcin R. Dadan
Morphosyntactic marking connected with the Middle contexts, broadly speaking expressing the involvement and affectedness of the subject (Cotticelli Kurras and Rizza 2013, Inglese 2020), tends to give rise to characteristic Voice syncretism, i.e., the appearance of different readings, e.g., inherently reflexive, anticausatives, antipassive, etc., which are argued to occur via allosemy at LF (Arad 2003, 2005; Marantz 2013a, 2013b; Wood 2015, 2016; Wood and Marantz 2017; Oikonomou and Alexiadou 2022).1 Looking at reflexiva tantum (RT), i.e., predicates with reflexive clitic się (SE) without any non-się marked counterparts, this paper claims that in a language like Polish, where the Middle readings are not expressed by non-active/mediopassive synthetic morphology, this class of contexts does not have to be related to one specification of the Voice, but since it depends on the reflexive SE-clitic, the syntax of the Middle encompasses all the contexts that license the insertion of this element. Only a subset of the syncretic readings in Polish arises as post-syntactic allosemy, and unergative and unaccusative SE-reflexives differ with regards to the base-generation of the nominative-marked subject. Importantly, agentive readings involve the agentive Voice with the NP argument merged in its specifier. Polish reflexiva tantum are discussed in cross-linguistic contexts of other non-alternating predicates, i.e., media tantum and deponents, and it is shown that they cover the same semantic spectrum, but differ in the syntax, especially in their active and agentive readings. It is shown that the idiosyncratic and omplex nature of reflexive tantum is reflected in its potential to create idiomatic extensions, which arise due to both overt syntax and post-spellout allosemy.
与中层语境有关的形态句法标记，大致上表达了主语的参与性和受影响性（Cotticelli Kurras 和 Rizza，2013 年；Inglese，2020 年），往往会产生特有的语音合成现象，即出现不同的读法，如：固有反身性、反身性、反被动性等，而这些读法被认为是通过低频的异义词出现的（Arad，2003 年，2005 年；Marantz，2013a，2013b；Wood，2015 年）、反身谓语、反被动谓语、反被动谓语等，这些谓语被认为是通过 LF 的异位而出现的（Arad，2003，2005；Marantz，2013a，2013b；Wood，2015，2016；Wood 和 Marantz，2017；Oikonomou 和 Alexiadou，2022）、本文认为，在像波兰语这样的语言中，中位读音不是通过非主动/中间被动合成形态来表达的，因此这类语境不一定与语音的某一规范相关，但由于它依赖于反身性 SE-clitic，中位的句法涵盖了所有允许插入这一元素的语境。在波兰语中，只有一部分对偶读音是作为句法后异义词出现的，而非ergative 和非accususative SE-反射词在名词标记主语的基音生成方面是不同的。重要的是，代理读音涉及将 NP 分词合并到其指明词中的代理语音。波兰语反身谓语 tantum 在其他非交替谓语（即 media tantum 和 deponents）的跨语言语境中进行了讨论，结果表明，它们涵盖了相同的语义范围，但在句法上有所不同，尤其是在主动读法和代理读法上。研究表明，反身谓语 tantum 的特异性和复用性体现在它有可能产生成语扩展，而成语扩展是由公开句法和拼写后异义产生的。
{"title":"Agentive reading in the Middle: The structure of Polish reflexiva tantum","authors":"Marcin R. Dadan","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.24.001.19742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.24.001.19742","url":null,"abstract":"Morphosyntactic marking connected with the Middle contexts, broadly speaking expressing the involvement and affectedness of the subject (Cotticelli Kurras and Rizza 2013, Inglese 2020), tends to give rise to characteristic Voice syncretism, i.e., the appearance of different readings, e.g., inherently reflexive, anticausatives, antipassive, etc., which are argued to occur via allosemy at LF (Arad 2003, 2005; Marantz 2013a, 2013b; Wood 2015, 2016; Wood and Marantz 2017; Oikonomou and Alexiadou 2022).1 Looking at reflexiva tantum (RT), i.e., predicates with reflexive clitic się (SE) without any non-się marked counterparts, this paper claims that in a language like Polish, where the Middle readings are not expressed by non-active/mediopassive synthetic morphology, this class of contexts does not have to be related to one specification of the Voice, but since it depends on the reflexive SE-clitic, the syntax of the Middle encompasses all the contexts that license the insertion of this element. Only a subset of the syncretic readings in Polish arises as post-syntactic allosemy, and unergative and unaccusative SE-reflexives differ with regards to the base-generation of the nominative-marked subject. Importantly, agentive readings involve the agentive Voice with the NP argument merged in its specifier. Polish reflexiva tantum are discussed in cross-linguistic contexts of other non-alternating predicates, i.e., media tantum and deponents, and it is shown that they cover the same semantic spectrum, but differ in the syntax, especially in their active and agentive readings. It is shown that the idiosyncratic and omplex nature of reflexive tantum is reflected in its potential to create idiomatic extensions, which arise due to both overt syntax and post-spellout allosemy.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"134 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141681964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.23.001.17852
Agnieszka Cierpich-Kozieł, E. Mańczak-Wohlfeld, Alicja Witalisz
In recent decades, Polish has experienced an unprecedented influx of English-sourced borrowings, both overt (loanwords) and covert (calques). This linguistic influence echoes the social, technological, environmental and ideological transformations, with these changes reflected in the Polish lexicon. The paper describes a lexicographic project aimed at updating the Słownik zapożyczeń angielskich w polszczyźnie (A Dictionary of Anglicisms in Polish) that was published in 2010. We discuss the theoretical assumptions, the content and the sources of the data for a new, corpus-based dictionary that is in the making, and illustrate the lexicographic solutions we adopted with regard to both well-established and the most recent direct and indirect Anglicisms. We also address the issue of the frequency and the usage of the latter in present-day Polish.
{"title":"English-Sourced Direct and Indirect Borrowings in a New Lexicon of Polish Anglicisms","authors":"Agnieszka Cierpich-Kozieł, E. Mańczak-Wohlfeld, Alicja Witalisz","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.23.001.17852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.23.001.17852","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, Polish has experienced an unprecedented influx of English-sourced borrowings, both overt (loanwords) and covert (calques). This linguistic influence echoes the social, technological, environmental and ideological transformations, with these changes reflected in the Polish lexicon. The paper describes a lexicographic project aimed at updating the Słownik zapożyczeń angielskich w polszczyźnie (A Dictionary of Anglicisms in Polish) that was published in 2010. We discuss the theoretical assumptions, the content and the sources of the data for a new, corpus-based dictionary that is in the making, and illustrate the lexicographic solutions we adopted with regard to both well-established and the most recent direct and indirect Anglicisms. We also address the issue of the frequency and the usage of the latter in present-day Polish.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42545272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.23.002.17853
Magdalena Szczyrbak, A. Tereszkiewicz
This paper examines the ways in which New Zealand and Polish government officials communicated the easing of COVID restrictions to the general public. The study aimed to identify legitimising strategies used to justify the lifting of restrictions and related measures, and to establish how agency and responsibility were discursively constructed in the subgenre of political press conference in two different socio-political settings. Informed by the notions of legitimisation (Chilton 2004), speaker commitment and stance (Marín Arrese 2011, 2015, 2021), the research looked into the linguistic marking of effective stance (deonticity, assessments, attitudinals and directives) and epistemic stance (epistemic modality, truth-factual validity as well as experiential, cognitive and communicative stance), considering both the subjectivity/intersubjectivity dimension and the explicitness/implicitness of the speaker’s role. In addition, the study considered the key discursive strategies used to (de)construct agency in the discourses of NZ and Polish policymakers seen as proponents of divergent public health policies. As the findings indicate, the Polish officials conveyed chiefly experiential stance and projected less involvement, whereas the NZ Prime Minister favoured cognitive stance and deonticity as well as direct appeals to the audience. The analysis shows that the speaker’s (dis)identification with the respective policy finds reflection in the varying degrees of speaker commitment and the (de)construction of agency.
{"title":"Responding to Omicron: Speaker Commitment and Legitimisation in COVID-related Press Conferences","authors":"Magdalena Szczyrbak, A. Tereszkiewicz","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.23.002.17853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.23.002.17853","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the ways in which New Zealand and Polish government officials communicated the easing of COVID restrictions to the general public. The study aimed to identify legitimising strategies used to justify the lifting of restrictions and related measures, and to establish how agency and responsibility were discursively constructed in the subgenre of political press conference in two different socio-political settings. Informed by the notions of legitimisation (Chilton 2004), speaker commitment and stance (Marín Arrese 2011, 2015, 2021), the research looked into the linguistic marking of effective stance (deonticity, assessments, attitudinals and directives) and epistemic stance (epistemic modality, truth-factual validity as well as experiential, cognitive and communicative stance), considering both the subjectivity/intersubjectivity dimension and the explicitness/implicitness of the speaker’s role. In addition, the study considered the key discursive strategies used to (de)construct agency in the discourses of NZ and Polish policymakers seen as proponents of divergent public health policies. As the findings indicate, the Polish officials conveyed chiefly experiential stance and projected less involvement, whereas the NZ Prime Minister favoured cognitive stance and deonticity as well as direct appeals to the audience. The analysis shows that the speaker’s (dis)identification with the respective policy finds reflection in the varying degrees of speaker commitment and the (de)construction of agency.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46848326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.23.003.18044
Krystyna Kleszczowa
The article focuses on particles derived from object-level expressions, but operating at a higher, metatextual level. Such particles are sourced chiefly from speaker-oriented parentheticals composed of verba dicendi and verba sentiendi. Following the elision of parentheticals and other expressions, functional homonymy arises: a particle/a different part of speech (most commonly an adverb). This results in an uncertainty regarding the status of particles. The understanding of particles as parts of speech is also problematic due to the linguistic tradition which relies on the Latin name particula, meaning ‘a little part’/‘a particle’. The classification of expressions operating both at the object and the metatextual level creates further concerns. The meaning of particles does not change, as at most they may undergo a phonetic change (cf. bodaj ‘probably’, ponoć ‘they say’/‘apparently’, oczywiście ‘of course’). The discrepancy between the two levels is brought about mainly by changes taking place at the object level (e.g. mówię w prawdzie ‘I am telling the truth’ ˃ wprawdzie ‘admittedly’; wiem za pewne ‘I know for sure’ > zapewne ‘probably’). Thus, a class of particles is being formed that is a separate and formally distinct part of speech.
本文主要关注从对象级表达式派生的粒子，但在更高的元文本级别上操作。这类助词主要来源于以说话人为导向的插入语，由间接语和间接语组成。省略圆括号和其他表达后，就出现了功能同音:一个小词/一个不同的词性(最常见的是副词)。这就造成了粒子状态的不确定性。由于语言传统依赖于拉丁语名称“partica”，意思是“一小部分”/“一个粒子”，因此将粒子理解为言语的一部分也是有问题的。同时在对象和元文本级别操作的表达式的分类产生了进一步的问题。粒子的意义不会改变，因为它们最多可能经历语音变化(参见bodaj“可能”，ponoki“他们说”/“显然”，oczywiście“当然”)。这两个层次之间的差异主要是由客体层次发生的变化引起的(例如mówię wprawdzie“我说的是实话”);wiem zapewne '我肯定知道' > zapewne '可能')。这样，就形成了一类粒子，它们是一个独立的、形式上不同的词性部分。
{"title":"From Object-Level Meaning to Metatextual Meaning. The Case of Polish Particles","authors":"Krystyna Kleszczowa","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.23.003.18044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.23.003.18044","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on particles derived from object-level expressions, but operating at a higher, metatextual level. Such particles are sourced chiefly from speaker-oriented parentheticals composed of verba dicendi and verba sentiendi. Following the elision of parentheticals and other expressions, functional homonymy arises: a particle/a different part of speech (most commonly an adverb). This results in an uncertainty regarding the status of particles. The understanding of particles as parts of speech is also problematic due to the linguistic tradition which relies on the Latin name particula, meaning ‘a little part’/‘a particle’. The classification of expressions operating both at the object and the metatextual level creates further concerns. The meaning of particles does not change, as at most they may undergo a phonetic change (cf. bodaj ‘probably’, ponoć ‘they say’/‘apparently’, oczywiście ‘of course’). The discrepancy between the two levels is brought about mainly by changes taking place at the object level (e.g. mówię w prawdzie ‘I am telling the truth’ ˃ wprawdzie ‘admittedly’; wiem za pewne ‘I know for sure’ > zapewne ‘probably’). Thus, a class of particles is being formed that is a separate and formally distinct part of speech.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45285237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.23.004.18045
Paulina Polak
This paper focuses on the use of diminutives in Polish to express irony. The phenomenon is analyzed from the perspective of morphopragmatics (Dressler, Merlini Barbaresi 1994; Merlini Barbaresi 2015; Nagórko 2015) and reports on the results of a small-scale informant-based study, in which twelve respondents described their evaluation of the pragmatic meaning contributed by diminutives in three naturally-occurring spoken sentences. In most cases, there was a negative reaction to the diminutives as it was considered they represent an arrogant type of irony.
{"title":"Morphopragmatic View on the Ironic Use of Diminutives in Polish","authors":"Paulina Polak","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.23.004.18045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.23.004.18045","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the use of diminutives in Polish to express irony. The phenomenon is analyzed from the perspective of morphopragmatics (Dressler, Merlini Barbaresi 1994; Merlini Barbaresi 2015; Nagórko 2015) and reports on the results of a small-scale informant-based study, in which twelve respondents described their evaluation of the pragmatic meaning contributed by diminutives in three naturally-occurring spoken sentences. In most cases, there was a negative reaction to the diminutives as it was considered they represent an arrogant type of irony.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42589261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.22.008.17646
Sławomir Zdziebko
Artykuł postuluje, iż kształt reprezentacji segmentów mowy w językach świata jest regulowany przez aktywność zasady *Hydra, która wskazuje jako nacechowane takie reprezentacje segmentalne, w których więcej niż jeden element pełni funkcję elementu nadrzędnego. W artykule wykazujemy, iż w językach takich jak francuski czy portugalski zasada *Hydra ma decydujący wpływ zarówno na kształt inwentarza samogłosek nosowych, jak i na wyniki pewnych procesów fonologicznych. Równocześnie zachowanie samogłosek nosowych w języku joruba wskazuje na nieabsolutną naturę zasady *Hydra. W języku polskim aktywność tej zasady jest niezbędna do zrozumienia zjawiska braku zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych w kontekście samogłoski nosowej /ɛ/͂ oraz mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za fakt, iż morfonologiczne zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych, wargowych i zębowych mają miejsce w kontekście tych samych przyrostków słowotwórczych. The paper proposes that the phonological make-up of segments is influenced by the activity of the constraint *Hydra, which penalizes the presence of more than one headed element per one phonological expression. *Hydra influences the shape of the inventories and the phonological behaviour of nasal vowels in languages such as French and Brazilian Portuguese. At the same time, the behaviour of nasal vowels in Yoruba shows that *Hydra a violable constraint. In Polish, the high ranking of *Hydra proves necessary to account for the absence of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front nasal vowel /ɛ/. It also allows us to formulate a unified account of the 1st Velar and Anterior Palatalization, which have very different structural descriptions but take place before the same set of derivational affixes.
{"title":"*Hydra, Nasality and Palatalization in Polish","authors":"Sławomir Zdziebko","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.22.008.17646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.22.008.17646","url":null,"abstract":"Artykuł postuluje, iż kształt reprezentacji segmentów mowy w językach świata jest regulowany przez aktywność zasady *Hydra, która wskazuje jako nacechowane takie reprezentacje segmentalne, w których więcej niż jeden element pełni funkcję elementu nadrzędnego. W artykule wykazujemy, iż w językach takich jak francuski czy portugalski zasada *Hydra ma decydujący wpływ zarówno na kształt inwentarza samogłosek nosowych, jak i na wyniki pewnych procesów fonologicznych. Równocześnie zachowanie samogłosek nosowych w języku joruba wskazuje na nieabsolutną naturę zasady *Hydra. W języku polskim aktywność tej zasady jest niezbędna do zrozumienia zjawiska braku zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych w kontekście samogłoski nosowej /ɛ/͂ oraz mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za fakt, iż morfonologiczne zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych, wargowych i zębowych mają miejsce w kontekście tych samych przyrostków słowotwórczych.\u0000\u0000\u0000The paper proposes that the phonological make-up of segments is influenced by the activity of the constraint *Hydra, which penalizes the presence of more than one headed element per one phonological expression. *Hydra influences the shape of the inventories and the phonological behaviour of nasal vowels in languages such as French and Brazilian Portuguese. At the same time, the behaviour of nasal vowels in Yoruba shows that *Hydra a violable constraint. In Polish, the high ranking of *Hydra proves necessary to account for the absence of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front nasal vowel /ɛ/. It also allows us to formulate a unified account of the 1st Velar and Anterior Palatalization, which have very different structural descriptions but take place before the same set of derivational affixes.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47678170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.22.007.17645
Ewelina Mokrosz
Niniejszy artykuł analizuje konstrukcje, w których uwydatniona jest informacja dana. W pierwszej części artykułu dokonujemy klasyfikacji topików znajdujących się w analizowanych konstrukcjach. Ponieważ proces topikalizacji kojarzony jest zazwyczaj z przesunięciem w strukturze, wybrane testy pokazują czy rzeczywiście wszystkie badane konstrukcje wykazują cechy przesunięcia. Jak się okazuje, konstrukcje z topikiem kontrastywnym potrzebują analizy, która pogodzi ze sobą cechy przesunięcia do pozycji argumentu oraz do pozycji innej niż pozycja argumentu. Przedstawione dowody świadczą o tym, iż ruch dopełnienia w konstrukcjach o szyku dopełnienie-to-podmiot-orzeczenie jest ruchem niekwantyfikującym i wieloetapowym: najpierw do pozycji nad podmiotem aczkolwiek wykazującej cechy podmiotu, a następnie do pozycji okupowanej przez topiki. ABSTRACT In this paper we show that there are different topic dislocations in Polish, each representing a specific type of a discourse function. With a battery of diagnostic tests we analyse each dislocation and propose their classification. As it turns out, constructions implementing a contrastive topic exhibit features of both A and A’-movement, which turns out problematic for a uniform analysis. We demonstrate that the movement in them is non-quantificational. The movement targeting TopP consists of at least two steps. An object undergoes A-movement and lands in the specifier of an Aboutness Phrase. Then it moves to SpecTopP where it checks a discourse feature.
{"title":"The Puzzles of Topic Dislocations in Polish","authors":"Ewelina Mokrosz","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.22.007.17645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.22.007.17645","url":null,"abstract":"Niniejszy artykuł analizuje konstrukcje, w których uwydatniona jest informacja dana. W pierwszej części artykułu dokonujemy klasyfikacji topików znajdujących się w analizowanych konstrukcjach. Ponieważ proces topikalizacji kojarzony jest zazwyczaj z przesunięciem w strukturze, wybrane testy pokazują czy rzeczywiście wszystkie badane konstrukcje wykazują cechy przesunięcia. Jak się okazuje, konstrukcje z topikiem kontrastywnym potrzebują analizy, która pogodzi ze sobą cechy przesunięcia do pozycji argumentu oraz do pozycji innej niż pozycja argumentu. Przedstawione dowody świadczą o tym, iż ruch dopełnienia w konstrukcjach o szyku dopełnienie-to-podmiot-orzeczenie jest ruchem niekwantyfikującym i wieloetapowym: najpierw do pozycji nad podmiotem aczkolwiek wykazującej cechy podmiotu, a następnie do pozycji okupowanej przez topiki.\u0000\u0000ABSTRACT\u0000In this paper we show that there are different topic dislocations in Polish, each representing a specific type of a discourse function. With a battery of diagnostic tests we analyse each dislocation and propose their classification. As it turns out, constructions implementing a contrastive topic exhibit features of both A and A’-movement, which turns out problematic for a uniform analysis. We demonstrate that the movement in them is non-quantificational. The movement targeting TopP consists of at least two steps. An object undergoes A-movement and lands in the specifier of an Aboutness Phrase. Then it moves to SpecTopP where it checks a discourse feature.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44738249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.22.006.16732
Magdalena Danielewiczowa
The article seeks to determine the status of adverbial superlative forms which do not express the superlative and which thus fall outside the degree system in contemporary Polish. Some of these expressions have become lexicalized and have entered two classes of units: particles (e.g., najpewniej ‘surely’, najwidoczniej ‘apparently’, najwyraźniej ‘clearly’) and adverbial meta-predicates (e.g., najspokojniej ‘calmly’, najzwyczajniej ‘simply’, najlepiej ‘the best’). Others have become elements of idiomatic expressions or performatives such as, e.g. najmocniej przepraszam ‘I sincerely apologize’, najserdeczniej witam ‘I cordially welcome (you)’, najuprzejmiej dziękuję ‘I kindly thank (you)’, najgoręcej namawiam ‘I highly recommend’. However, there are also superlative forms which act as the domain of several interesting operations, see, e.g., Bogusławski (1978, 1987, 2010a), the latter being of a grammatical, rather than lexical nature. One such operation results in the creation of expressions such as jak najszybciej ‘in the quickest possible way’, jak najweselej ‘in the most enjoyable way’, jak najdłużej ‘in the longest possible way’, etc. Another important operation yields such constructions as najpóźniej w środę ‘on Wednesday at the latest’, najdalej 20 kilometrów od centrum ‘at most 20 km away from the centre’, najrzadziej raz do roku ‘at least once a year’, najgrubiej na pół centymetra ‘half a centimeter at the thickest’, etc. Contrary to the view held by Grochowski (2008), it is argued here that the superlatives which occur in these constructions should not be regarded as independent lexical units. Nor should the metatextual comments such as naj krócej ‘to put it briefly / briefly put [lit. most briefly]’, najogólniej ‘most generally ’ be regarded as such, though for a different reason. In these comments, the superlatives – referring to the act of speaking – retain their standard meanings (cf. krótko / krócej ‘ succinctly / more succinctly’, ogólnie / ogólniej ‘generally / more generally ’). A number of pragmatic effects associated with the use of superlative forms also deserve individual treatment; they include, for instance, metonymic shortcuts (najlepsi ‘the best’ [pl.], najbogatsi ‘the richest’ [pl.]) or conversational implicatures (wypadł nie najgorzej → wypadł całkiem dobrze ‘he did not do so badly / he did not do so bad’ → ‘he did pretty well’).
本文试图确定不表示最高级的最高级状语形式在现代波兰语中的地位，这些最高级状语不属于程度系统。其中一些表达已经被词汇化，并进入了两类单位：助词（例如，najpewniej“肯定”，najwidoczniej“显然”，naj wyra罗兹niej“清楚”）和状语元谓词（例如，na jspokojniej“平静”，naj-zwyczajniej“简单”，na jlepiej“最好”）。其他已经成为惯用表达或表演的元素，如najmocniej przepraszam“我真诚地道歉”，najserdeczniej witam“我衷心欢迎（你）”，najuprzejmiej dziÉkujÉ“我衷心感谢（你），najgorÉcej namawiam“我强烈推荐”。然而，也有一些最高级形式充当了一些有趣的运算的领域，例如，参见Bogusławski（1978、1987、2010a），后者具有语法性质，而不是词汇性质。一个这样的操作导致了诸如jak najszybciej“以尽可能快的方式”、jak najweselej“以最愉快的方式”和jak najdżuż，najdalej 20千米中央“距离中心最多20公里”，najrzadziej raz do roku“每年至少一次”，najgrubiej na półcentymetra“最厚的半厘米”等。与Grochowski（2008）的观点相反，这里认为这些结构中出现的最高级不应被视为独立的词汇单元。元文本评论，如najkrócej“简单地说/简单地说[最简单地说]”、najogólniej“最普遍地说”，也不应该被视为这样，尽管原因不同。在这些评论中，最高级——指的是说话行为——保留了它们的标准含义（参见krótko/krócej“简洁/更简洁”，ogólnie/ogólniej“一般/更一般”）。与使用最高级形式相关的一些语用效果也值得单独处理；例如，它们包括转喻快捷方式（najlepsi“最好的”[pl.]，najbogatsi“最富有的”[pl.]）或会话含义（wypadłnie najgorzej→ 维帕德卡基姆·多布泽“他做得没那么糟糕/他做得也没那么糟糕”→ ‘他做得很好”）。
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Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.4467/23005920spl.22.005.16731
Jolanta Klimek-Grądzka
The objective of this paper is to bring to light an important early 16th-century Polish rendition of the Psalter, Żołtarz Dawidów, translated by Walenty Wróbel and prepared for print by Andrzej Glaber. We argue that in spite of its unique position in the line of Psalter translations into Polish, the Żołtarz has not received a comprehensive and exhaustive treatment. While some detailed issues have been diligently addressed by individual scholars, research on the Żołtarz has generally been overshadowed by Brückner’s (1902) pioneering study, to the extent that one of its two surviving manuscript copies has not received official recognition in the scholarly literature. In particular, alongside the Kórnik manuscript (from 1528) described by Brückner, there exists another 16th-century exemplar (1536), which has been in the possession of the Jagiellonian Library since 1928. Its rediscovery by the authors of the present paper has two important consequences. First of all, the Jagiellonian Żołtarz should become an object of study in its own right. Secondly, its existence requires a re-assessment of the current state of knowledge on the Żołtarz in the light of the data it contains.
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