{"title":"Ensuring All Children Learn: Lessons from the South on What Works in Equity and Inclusion ed. by Ishmael Munene (review)","authors":"Gretchen McAllister","doi":"10.1353/gss.2023.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2023.0015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":"218 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42104823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper examines the discursive themes and strategies of resistance by the Lumad, the indigenous people of Southern Philippines, and civil society groups to neoliberal hegemony, the dominance of the political-economic philosophy that champions the market as the prime regulator of economic activity, in the Lumad's struggle for justice and their rights. The Lumad have been subject to killings of their leaders, militarization, red-tagging (the pernicious labeling of government critics, activists, and other members of civil society as Communists or terrorists) of their schools, and displacement from their lands. It is a study situated in the context of indigenous resistance to neoliberal globalization. It uses the critical discourse analysis approach in analyzing the discursive themes and strategies of resistance, particularly the theoretical ideas propounded by John Flowerdew founded on Foucault's theory of power and resistance. Ten purposively selected news articles and two statements published from 2017 to 2020 by the online alternative news media outfit Davao Today were analyzed in the study. The discursive themes identified were neoliberalism's dire consequences and destructive impact, displacement of the Lumad, food security, red-tagging, the struggle for education, counternarrative to red-tagging, defense of the environment and Lumad ancestral lands, injustice, corporate greed, and environmental degradation and the catastrophes that result from it. The discursive strategies of resistance used were constatives, or truth claims with factual backing, regulatives, avowals, ridicule, sarcasm, rebuttal, vivid adjectives, use of words, and use of evocative phrases and sentences. These discursive themes and strategies of resistance call for an economic system that empowers and respects indigenous peoples and local communities and interacts with the environment in a positive, respectful way.
{"title":"Land, Blood, and Tears: Discursive Themes and Strategies of Resistance to Neoliberal Hegemony in the Lumad's Struggle for Their Rights","authors":"B. F. Espiritu","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the discursive themes and strategies of resistance by the Lumad, the indigenous people of Southern Philippines, and civil society groups to neoliberal hegemony, the dominance of the political-economic philosophy that champions the market as the prime regulator of economic activity, in the Lumad's struggle for justice and their rights. The Lumad have been subject to killings of their leaders, militarization, red-tagging (the pernicious labeling of government critics, activists, and other members of civil society as Communists or terrorists) of their schools, and displacement from their lands. It is a study situated in the context of indigenous resistance to neoliberal globalization. It uses the critical discourse analysis approach in analyzing the discursive themes and strategies of resistance, particularly the theoretical ideas propounded by John Flowerdew founded on Foucault's theory of power and resistance. Ten purposively selected news articles and two statements published from 2017 to 2020 by the online alternative news media outfit Davao Today were analyzed in the study. The discursive themes identified were neoliberalism's dire consequences and destructive impact, displacement of the Lumad, food security, red-tagging, the struggle for education, counternarrative to red-tagging, defense of the environment and Lumad ancestral lands, injustice, corporate greed, and environmental degradation and the catastrophes that result from it. The discursive strategies of resistance used were constatives, or truth claims with factual backing, regulatives, avowals, ridicule, sarcasm, rebuttal, vivid adjectives, use of words, and use of evocative phrases and sentences. These discursive themes and strategies of resistance call for an economic system that empowers and respects indigenous peoples and local communities and interacts with the environment in a positive, respectful way.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"302 - 341"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48280143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The article explains the state of political transition in Ethiopia since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018 based on the concept of political settlement in the context of divided societies. It is qualitative research based on in-depth interviews with fifteen key political party leaders and key experts. Relevant literature on democratization in Ethiopia has been reviewed and has rarely explored the issue of democratization in the context of divided societies. Ethiopia is a deeply divided society that hosts countless politically mobilized ethnonational liberation movements seeking more political autonomy and a fair share in central decision-making institutions. While Ethiopians and the international community hoped for Ethiopia's transition to democracy under Abiy, the findings show that the transition is stalled, and the process is hijacked by centralizing and increasingly authoritarian elite that has marginalized key political actors. Centralization and marginalization are currently two major challenges. Both are inimical to deeply divided Ethiopia that hosts a variety of territorially based cleavages. Cycles of marginalization have entrenched fragility in Ethiopia, as the fight continues between those who are in power and those who are excluded. Transition to democracy implies an inclusive political system, popular and elite support for democracy and democratic rules are accepted as norms, anti-system parties are weak or nonexistent, and, most importantly, authoritarianism is rejected wholeheartedly. This is a fundamental question for Ethiopia and is called the genetic question of democracy because it determines the gateway and the answer to the question: How does democracy come into being in the first place? One cannot have democracy when a country has a significant number of armed rebel groups in or outside the country who still think that power comes through the barrel of a gun. Nor is the transition to democracy possible when the elite in power adopts violence and the use of force as a means to stay in power. Transition to democracy can succeed only through an inclusive dialogue that produces political settlement addressing the deep cleavages.
{"title":"Transition to Democracy in Deeply Divided Ethiopia: Mission Impossible?","authors":"A. Fiseha","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0025","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The article explains the state of political transition in Ethiopia since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018 based on the concept of political settlement in the context of divided societies. It is qualitative research based on in-depth interviews with fifteen key political party leaders and key experts. Relevant literature on democratization in Ethiopia has been reviewed and has rarely explored the issue of democratization in the context of divided societies. Ethiopia is a deeply divided society that hosts countless politically mobilized ethnonational liberation movements seeking more political autonomy and a fair share in central decision-making institutions. While Ethiopians and the international community hoped for Ethiopia's transition to democracy under Abiy, the findings show that the transition is stalled, and the process is hijacked by centralizing and increasingly authoritarian elite that has marginalized key political actors. Centralization and marginalization are currently two major challenges. Both are inimical to deeply divided Ethiopia that hosts a variety of territorially based cleavages. Cycles of marginalization have entrenched fragility in Ethiopia, as the fight continues between those who are in power and those who are excluded. Transition to democracy implies an inclusive political system, popular and elite support for democracy and democratic rules are accepted as norms, anti-system parties are weak or nonexistent, and, most importantly, authoritarianism is rejected wholeheartedly. This is a fundamental question for Ethiopia and is called the genetic question of democracy because it determines the gateway and the answer to the question: How does democracy come into being in the first place? One cannot have democracy when a country has a significant number of armed rebel groups in or outside the country who still think that power comes through the barrel of a gun. Nor is the transition to democracy possible when the elite in power adopts violence and the use of force as a means to stay in power. Transition to democracy can succeed only through an inclusive dialogue that produces political settlement addressing the deep cleavages.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"257 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42294532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Transnational Feminist Itineraries: Situating Theory and Activist Practice ed. by A. Tambe and M. Thayer (review)","authors":"Yoly Zentella","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0037","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"446 - 448"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47599708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Teaching Haiti: Strategies for Creating New Narratives ed. by Cécile Accilien and Valérie K. Orlando (review)","authors":"F. Vilsaint","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0030","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"431 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41355094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The management of the bubonic plague in colonial Lagos, Nigeria, unavoidably put the indigenous population at the receiving end of massive social disruptions. The impact of the control measures on the social and political temperament of the area with the reactions it elicited among the indigenous people is absent from the historiography of the bubonic plague in Lagos. This study draws upon primary sources (first-hand accounts and interviews) to provide insight into how residents in colonial Lagos grappled with the plague and the colonial state's attempts to control the epidemic and govern the city. The central argument of this paper is that at a time of growing nationalism among an increasingly politically conscious African educated class, public health measures adopted to control the bubonic plague only served to breed political unrest and intra-party antagonism that threatened the social thread of the city. Lagos political space provides us with the opportunity to study how medical issues became entangled with nationalist agitation. Evidence for the study was drawn from archival materials sourced from the National Archives of Nigeria, Ibadan; the British National Archive, London; and oral interviews conducted in Lagos.
{"title":"Playing Politics with Epidemic: Bubonic Plague, Slum Clearance, and Party Politics in Colonial Lagos, 1924–1960","authors":"Mufutau Oluwasegun Jimoh","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The management of the bubonic plague in colonial Lagos, Nigeria, unavoidably put the indigenous population at the receiving end of massive social disruptions. The impact of the control measures on the social and political temperament of the area with the reactions it elicited among the indigenous people is absent from the historiography of the bubonic plague in Lagos. This study draws upon primary sources (first-hand accounts and interviews) to provide insight into how residents in colonial Lagos grappled with the plague and the colonial state's attempts to control the epidemic and govern the city. The central argument of this paper is that at a time of growing nationalism among an increasingly politically conscious African educated class, public health measures adopted to control the bubonic plague only served to breed political unrest and intra-party antagonism that threatened the social thread of the city. Lagos political space provides us with the opportunity to study how medical issues became entangled with nationalist agitation. Evidence for the study was drawn from archival materials sourced from the National Archives of Nigeria, Ibadan; the British National Archive, London; and oral interviews conducted in Lagos.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"342 - 370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49166028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Building on the view of biographical writing as a cultural practice and expression, this article adopts identity and narrative theories to discuss the interconnection between national character and identity construction in political autobiographies. It employed Nelson Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom [LWF] (1994) and Olusegun Obasanjo's My Watch (2014) as primary texts. It identifies prejudice against black South Africans as the national character in LWF and postcolonial political disillusionment in Nigeria as that of My Watch. It further demonstrates how the personalities of Mandela and Obasanjo are rooted in role-based identity and the respective saliences that activate this identity type. Additionally, it discusses the modes of narration in the two texts. The article concludes that national character is a sociocultural and psychological indicator that influences identity construction in political autobiographies.
{"title":"National Character and the Narrative of Self-Image in Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom and Obasanjo's My Watch","authors":"Adedoyin Aguoru, Ibrahim A. Odugbemi","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0028","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Building on the view of biographical writing as a cultural practice and expression, this article adopts identity and narrative theories to discuss the interconnection between national character and identity construction in political autobiographies. It employed Nelson Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom [LWF] (1994) and Olusegun Obasanjo's My Watch (2014) as primary texts. It identifies prejudice against black South Africans as the national character in LWF and postcolonial political disillusionment in Nigeria as that of My Watch. It further demonstrates how the personalities of Mandela and Obasanjo are rooted in role-based identity and the respective saliences that activate this identity type. Additionally, it discusses the modes of narration in the two texts. The article concludes that national character is a sociocultural and psychological indicator that influences identity construction in political autobiographies.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"371 - 401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49622099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bonding with the Lord: Jagannath, Popular Culture and Community Formation ed. by Jyotirmaya Tripathy and Uwe Skoda (review)","authors":"Tracy Coleman","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0036","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"444 - 446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48768907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Social justice is often cited in literature as an essential component or an ideal end of just transition, but there remains a gap on what social justice itself entails, thus leading to confusion about what just transition truly requires. Viewed from the Philippine experience, this paper faces the broad yet fundamental question: How is the conceptualization—and subsequent operationalization—of just transition affected by differing notions of social justice? Using the Just Transition Research Collaborative's analytical framework of framing just transition (2018) as a reference, the concept of "social justice" in the Philippine legal system is used as a proxy to determine the variety of viable just transition framings in the country. After mapping the classical and humanistic notions of social justice in what Monsod (2014) described as jurisprudential tension in Philippine law, this study finds that the divergent meanings of social justice, which is usually thought to be an uncontested concept, correspond to a wide disparity of just transition framings, and consequently the policy interventions that await in the grassroots. Besides inviting a deeper analysis of foundational concepts related to just transition, such as social justice, this novel study also signals to the global community that there is indeed a widely available and untapped space for collaboration.
{"title":"Which Social Justice? Situating the Philippine Legal Concept of Social Justice Within Just Transition Research Collaborative's Analytical Framework","authors":"Antonio G. M. La Viña, Jayvy R. Gamboa","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Social justice is often cited in literature as an essential component or an ideal end of just transition, but there remains a gap on what social justice itself entails, thus leading to confusion about what just transition truly requires. Viewed from the Philippine experience, this paper faces the broad yet fundamental question: How is the conceptualization—and subsequent operationalization—of just transition affected by differing notions of social justice? Using the Just Transition Research Collaborative's analytical framework of framing just transition (2018) as a reference, the concept of \"social justice\" in the Philippine legal system is used as a proxy to determine the variety of viable just transition framings in the country. After mapping the classical and humanistic notions of social justice in what Monsod (2014) described as jurisprudential tension in Philippine law, this study finds that the divergent meanings of social justice, which is usually thought to be an uncontested concept, correspond to a wide disparity of just transition framings, and consequently the policy interventions that await in the grassroots. Besides inviting a deeper analysis of foundational concepts related to just transition, such as social justice, this novel study also signals to the global community that there is indeed a widely available and untapped space for collaboration.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"402 - 430"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41734986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
inside communist party structures to understand how militants organized themselves to advance their political agenda” (183). “The 1950s were a period of continual transitions for the communist party in Ecuador” (93) and, ultimately, the “intense and continuing organizing efforts in the years after the Second World War laid the groundwork for subsequent militant mobilizations that would not have happened were in not for those earlier, less visible actions” (5). That CIA surveillance documents illuminating these earlier and less visible actions became such an important source for Becker’s narrative is, as stated above, an ironic consequence of the mass of paper generated by extensive surveillance efforts. These records reveal, in extensive although often inaccurate detail, things about both Ecuador and the US. Furthermore, they provide a historian working several generations after their creation with a rich source base to tell the history of the Ecuadorian left during an understudied period. The CIA did not ignore the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately scholars should be thankful they did not, because “CIA surveillance provides insights into the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats that the party confronted. Our understanding of the past is richer for the documentary record they left behind” (25). Once again Marc Becker has taken a trove of documents, read them against the grain, and produced a compelling study of the Ecuadorian left during the 1950s. Anyone interested in the Cold War, Ecuador, and the relationship between the United States and Latin America will find much to appreciate in this volume. In addition, Becker’s discussions of the surveillance documents themselves are also important and should be read by aspiring historians, particularly in graduate seminars. In sum, The CIA in Ecuador deserves a wide readership.
{"title":"Criminal Drone Evolution: Cartel Weaponization of Aerial IEDs ed. by Robert J. Bunker & John P. Sullivan (review)","authors":"J. D. da Cruz","doi":"10.1353/gss.2022.0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/gss.2022.0033","url":null,"abstract":"inside communist party structures to understand how militants organized themselves to advance their political agenda” (183). “The 1950s were a period of continual transitions for the communist party in Ecuador” (93) and, ultimately, the “intense and continuing organizing efforts in the years after the Second World War laid the groundwork for subsequent militant mobilizations that would not have happened were in not for those earlier, less visible actions” (5). That CIA surveillance documents illuminating these earlier and less visible actions became such an important source for Becker’s narrative is, as stated above, an ironic consequence of the mass of paper generated by extensive surveillance efforts. These records reveal, in extensive although often inaccurate detail, things about both Ecuador and the US. Furthermore, they provide a historian working several generations after their creation with a rich source base to tell the history of the Ecuadorian left during an understudied period. The CIA did not ignore the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately scholars should be thankful they did not, because “CIA surveillance provides insights into the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats that the party confronted. Our understanding of the past is richer for the documentary record they left behind” (25). Once again Marc Becker has taken a trove of documents, read them against the grain, and produced a compelling study of the Ecuadorian left during the 1950s. Anyone interested in the Cold War, Ecuador, and the relationship between the United States and Latin America will find much to appreciate in this volume. In addition, Becker’s discussions of the surveillance documents themselves are also important and should be read by aspiring historians, particularly in graduate seminars. In sum, The CIA in Ecuador deserves a wide readership.","PeriodicalId":37496,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Global South Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"436 - 440"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47209224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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