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“Elista Is Our City”: Kalmykia’s 2019 Protests and Politics in Russia’s Republics “埃利斯塔是我们的城市”:卡尔梅克2019年的抗议活动和俄罗斯共和国的政治
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-20220019
E. Holland
Russia’s republics – 22 regions in the larger federation that are territorially defined and represent areas where non-Russian ethnic populations are concentrated – have been generally quiescent during the two decades of Vladimir Putin’s leadership. However, in 2019 Kalmykia was the site of protests against leadership changes in which locals had scant political voice. This paper focuses on the demonstrations in Kalmykia and provides a detailed account of the associated causes, motivations, and outcomes. The protests augur an increased awareness of the double marginalization of Russia’s minority groups, both politically and on the basis of nationality, in the country’s governance. This condition has notable implications given Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine.
俄罗斯的共和国——大联邦中的22个地区,按领土划分,代表非俄罗斯族人口集中的地区——在弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)领导的20年里总体上是平静的。然而,2019年,卡尔梅克发生了反对领导层更迭的抗议活动,当地人几乎没有政治发言权。本文着重于卡尔梅克的示威活动,并提供了相关原因、动机和结果的详细说明。抗议活动预示着人们越来越意识到俄罗斯少数民族群体在政治上和国家治理中的双重边缘化。鉴于俄罗斯在乌克兰的持续战争,这种情况具有显著的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Foreigners in Their Own Home: De Facto Displacement and Negative Emplacement in the Borderlands of Abkhazia 在自己家里的外国人:阿布哈兹边境地区事实上的流离失所和消极的安置
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-20230001
Mikel J. H. Venhovens
This article explores de facto displacement and negative emplacement dynamics in the borderlands of the de facto state of Abkhazia. The uncertain status of de facto states creates a vulnerable, disenfranchised and rearranged post-conflict environment for ethnic minorities that are deemed unwanted remnants of the conflict. I make two arguments: First, de facto displacement is a situation of displacement where the displaced do not physically move away but where the landscape around them together with the sociopolitical situation significantly changes almost overnight. Second, that this displacement comes with negative emplacement in which a person and/or group is negatively set in place in a physical and social sense within the newly created reality of the de facto state.
本文探讨了事实上的流离失所和消极的安置动态在阿布哈兹事实上的国家的边境。事实上的国家的不确定地位为被视为不受欢迎的冲突残余的少数民族创造了一个脆弱的、被剥夺公民权和重新安排的冲突后环境。我有两个论点:首先,事实上的流离失所是一种流离失所的情况,在这种情况下,流离失所者并没有真正离开,但他们周围的景观以及社会政治局势几乎在一夜之间发生了重大变化。第二,这种流离失所伴随着消极的安置,在这种安置中,一个人和/或群体在新创造的事实国家的现实中,在物质和社会意义上被消极地安置在适当的位置。
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引用次数: 0
Nested Nationalism: Making and Unmaking Nations in the Soviet Caucasus, written by Krista A. Goff 《嵌套的民族主义:苏联高加索地区国家的形成与毁灭》,克里斯塔·a·高夫著
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-bja10009
Andrea Peinhopf
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引用次数: 0
Visible and Invisible Ethnicity: Native Language and Religiosity Among the Kalmyks during the Years of Deportation, 1943–1956 可见与不可见的种族:1943-1956年驱逐期间卡尔梅克人的母语和宗教信仰
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-20220014
E. Guchinova
This article is devoted to an important period, as yet insufficiently studied by anthropologists and sociologists, in the history of Kalmykia – the deportation of the Kalmyks to Siberia (1943–1956) and its cultural implications. Its aim is to show how the stigmatization of the exiled Kalmyks in an unfavorable social and political environment influenced their linguistic and religious behavior. These issues are part of the process of creating a Soviet Kalmyk ethnicity, which began after the establishment of Soviet power on the Kalmyk steppe in 1920 and was a continuation in the realm of politics of the forced modernization of the people. Kalmyks in Siberia tried to hide ethnically marked forms of culture, abstaining from speaking Kalmyk in public and hiding their religiosity. The article uses field materials collected by the author in the form of interviews conducted between 2004 and 2019 and published memoirs about exile.
本文致力于研究卡尔梅克历史上的一个重要时期——卡尔梅克人被驱逐到西伯利亚(1943-1956)及其文化影响,但人类学家和社会学家对这一时期的研究还不够充分。它的目的是展示在不利的社会和政治环境中被流放的卡尔梅克人的耻辱如何影响他们的语言和宗教行为。这些问题是建立苏维埃卡尔梅克民族进程的一部分,这一进程始于1920年苏维埃政权在卡尔梅克大草原上建立之后,是强迫人民现代化政治领域的延续。西伯利亚的卡尔梅克人试图隐藏带有种族特征的文化形式,避免在公共场合说卡尔梅克语,并隐藏他们的宗教信仰。本文采用了作者在2004年至2019年期间以采访的形式收集的实地资料,并出版了有关流亡的回忆录。
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引用次数: 0
Kalmyk Identity in Historical Perspective 历史视野中的卡尔梅克身份
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-20220017
Baasanjav Terbish
The Kalmyks have lived in southwest Russia for about four centuries. Whilst cultural assimilation with neighbouring peoples has been an ongoing process since the Kalmyks first settled in the lower Volga from 1630, the twentieth century, which saw the rise and fall of several political regimes in Russia, was the most dramatic period in the group’s history in that it had a deep impact not only on their social structure, religion, and way of life but also on their identity. Subjected to various political ideologies, not to mention punitive mass deportation to Siberia and Central Asia from 1943 to 1956, the Kalmyks had to constantly negotiate their identity not only with the Tsarist/Soviet/Russian state but also among themselves. Whilst today’s self-narratives of Kalmyk ethnic identity are inextricably linked to the discourse of post-Soviet cultural revival, in order to explain the fluidity and dynamics of Kalmyk identity this paper takes a comprehensive approach to the history of the Kalmyk people since their first settlement on the lower Volga. Ethnic identity and its development are narrated chronologically, taking into account social structure, religion, historiography, and popular concepts to which the Kalmyks have been subjected, and which they have embraced, in the course of their history.
卡尔梅克人在俄罗斯西南部生活了大约四个世纪。虽然自1630年卡尔梅克人首次在伏尔加河下游定居以来,与邻国人民的文化同化一直是一个持续的过程,但20世纪见证了俄罗斯几个政治政权的兴衰,是该群体历史上最戏剧性的时期,因为它不仅对他们的社会结构、宗教、,和生活方式,但也取决于他们的身份。卡尔梅克人受制于各种政治意识形态,更不用说1943年至1956年被惩罚性大规模驱逐到西伯利亚和中亚了,他们不仅要与沙皇/苏联/俄罗斯国家,还要不断地就自己的身份进行谈判。尽管今天关于卡尔梅克民族身份的自述与后苏联文化复兴的话语密不可分,但为了解释卡尔梅克身份的流动性和动态性,本文对卡尔梅克人自首次定居下伏尔加以来的历史进行了全面的研究。民族身份及其发展是按时间顺序叙述的,考虑到社会结构、宗教、史学和卡尔梅克人在其历史过程中所受的流行概念。
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引用次数: 1
Activities of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) during the Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict in the 1990s 1990年代格鲁吉亚-阿布哈兹冲突期间无代表国家和人民组织的活动
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-bja10007
A. Jürgenson
The article deals with the activities of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) in mediating the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict both during the war (1992–1993) and after it in the 1990s. These activities of UNPO were mainly coordinated from the Estonian city of Tartu, where the UNPO Tartu Coordination Office was located. The task of the Office was to organize the work of the UNPO on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Many of the regional meetings of the UNPO, which discussed the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict, took place in different Estonian cities in the 1990s. The article analyses also the UNPO’s missions in the conflict area. The documents of the UNPO Tartu Coordination Office, which are compiled in Tartu, were used as the main sources.
这篇文章论述了无代表国家和人民组织在战争期间(1992-1993年)和战争结束后(1990年代)调解格鲁吉亚-阿布哈兹冲突的活动。联索政治处的这些活动主要是在爱沙尼亚塔尔图市协调的,该市是联索政治处在塔尔图协调办公室所在地。办事处的任务是组织联索政治处在前苏联领土上的工作。联布政治处讨论格鲁吉亚-阿布哈兹冲突的许多区域会议于1990年代在爱沙尼亚不同城市举行。文章还分析了联索政治处在冲突地区的任务。以塔尔图语汇编的联索政治处塔尔图协调办公室的文件被用作主要来源。
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引用次数: 0
The Eurasian Steppe: People, Movement, Ideas, written by Warwick Ball 《欧亚大草原:人、运动、思想》,沃里克·鲍尔著
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-bja10006
R. Foltz
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引用次数: 1
The Practice of Pilgrimage by Kalmyk Buddhists 卡尔梅克佛教徒的朝圣实践
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-20220018
M. Ulanov, Elvira Churyumova, V. Badmaev
Kalmyk Buddhists have long engaged in the practice of pilgrimage for religious purposes. Historically, the main destination for Kalmyk pilgrims was Tibet, which was facilitated by traditional ties between the Kalmyks and the Dalai Lama (and by extension the Tibetan people) after the adoption of Buddhism by Oirat groups at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries. Kalmyk pilgrims pursued a host of goals – religious, political, diplomatic, and educational in nature. Some pilgrims engaged in exploration; during the early Soviet period Kalmyk pilgrims were used by the Soviet government as covert foreign policy instruments in its dealings with Tibet. Soon afterwards, however, pilgrimage was banned altogether due to the anti-religious policy endorsed by the Bolsheviks. It was not until the late 1980s that pilgrimage was revived owing to the democratization of social and political life in the Soviet Union.
卡尔梅克佛教徒长期从事宗教朝圣活动。历史上,卡尔梅克朝圣者的主要目的地是西藏,在16世纪末和17世纪初Oirat团体采用佛教后,卡尔梅克人和达赖喇嘛(以及西藏人民)之间的传统关系为西藏提供了便利。卡尔梅克朝圣者追求一系列目标——宗教、政治、外交和教育性质。一些朝圣者从事探险活动;在苏联早期,卡尔梅克朝圣者被苏联政府用作与西藏打交道的秘密外交政策工具。然而,不久之后,由于布尔什维克支持的反宗教政策,朝圣活动被完全禁止。直到20世纪80年代末,由于苏联社会和政治生活的民主化,朝圣活动才得以恢复。
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引用次数: 0
Islamic Leadership and the State in Eurasia, written by Galina M. Yemelianova 伊斯兰领导与欧亚大陆的国家,Galina M.Yemelianova著
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-bja10005
Sofie Bedford
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引用次数: 0
The Risks of Hydro-Hegemony: Turkey’s Environmental Policies and Shared Water Resources in the South Caucasus 水力霸权的风险:土耳其在南高加索的环境政策和共享水资源
IF 1.1 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-18 DOI: 10.30965/23761202-20220016
H. Sakal
The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war intensified the debates about regional integration and political rivalries in the South Caucasus. In the changing geopolitical setting of the region, Turkey’s regional environmental policies contradict its cooperation-based and friendly relations with the regional states. Taking a recent hydropower development project in the Kura-Araks River basin initiated by the government of Turkey as a case study, this study reviews Turkey’s transboundary water management policies in the region in connection with its political ties with the regional countries. This article argues that Turkey uses its relative power in the regional hydropolitical relations by exploiting current and historical issue-linkages and benefit-sharing options, and that the intention to act like a hydro-hegemon in the South Caucasus will negatively impact Turkey’s position in intended regional cooperation schemes and long-established strategic partnerships with the regional countries, especially Azerbaijan and Georgia.
2020年的纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫战争加剧了关于南高加索地区一体化和政治对抗的辩论。在该地区不断变化的地缘政治背景下,土耳其的地区环境政策与其与该地区国家基于合作的友好关系相矛盾。本研究以土耳其政府最近在库拉-阿拉克斯河流域启动的一个水电开发项目为例,回顾了土耳其在该地区的跨界水管理政策及其与该地区国家的政治关系。本文认为,土耳其通过利用当前和历史问题的联系和利益分享选择,利用其在区域地缘政治关系中的相对权力,在南高加索充当水力霸主的意图将对土耳其在预定的区域合作计划以及与该地区国家,特别是阿塞拜疆和格鲁吉亚建立的长期战略伙伴关系中的地位产生负面影响。
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Caucasus Survey
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