Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2021.1921374
Audrey L. Altstadt, M. Buttino, Ulvi Ismayil, Leyla Yunus, Arif Yunus
“Leyla was arrested last night”, said my friend when the waiter walked away from our table in a hillside restaurant in Baku. It was the end of April 2014. In Baku’s political circles, there was only one Leyla, the firebrand dissident, regime critic and human rights activist Leyla Yunus. “So, I might have some phone interviews while we have lunch”, he explained soberly. My long-time colleague and friend, Jamil Hasanli was head of the National Council of Democratic Forces, a united opposition formed in 2013 to field a single candidate for the presidential election against ten-year incumbent Ilham Aliyev. Jamil had been that candidate and thus the most recent member of the opposition to lose a tainted election to President Aliyev. The defeat was a foregone conclusion and did not affect his celebrity or his leading position in the coalition of democratic parties, so opposition news outlets wanted to quote him. There had been a recent surge of arrests of human rights defenders, journalists, and regime critics. The regime’s targets had been second-tier leadership of their organizations, or young activists, journalists and bloggers that the regime feared after colour revolutions toppled authoritarian rulers fromCairo to Kyiv. The arrest of Leyla Yunus was a departure from that pattern, and it sent shock waves through society. On the evening of April 28, she and her husband historian Arif Yunus were removed from an outbound flight on their way to a conference in Belgium. Leyla was taken into custody, and Arif, who was subject to hypertension, was taken to the hospital. Their apartment was searched. These actions signalled an escalation of regime pressure on its critics because of the couple’s prominence in Azerbaijan and internationally as activists and scholars and, in Leyla’s case, as Knight of the Legion of Honor of France. If Leyla could be arrested, who was safe? News of her arrest was difficult to find on state-run television, so I looked for newspapers in the kiosks. In 2014, there were still many opposition newspapers although prices had been raised and their offices, like those of the major opposition parties, had been pushed out of the city centre to remote locations on the outskirts. I walked from my hotel downtown to a large newspaper kiosk with an extensive collection of newspapers and magazines. Speaking Azerbaijani, I asked the young man in the kiosk for one government newspaper, Azerbaijan, and about six from opposition sources. I saw that
“莱拉昨晚被捕了，”在巴库一家山坡上的餐馆里，服务员从我们的桌子旁走开时，我的朋友说。那是2014年4月底。在巴库的政治圈子里，只有一个莱拉，那就是激进的持不同政见者、政权批评者和人权活动家莱拉·尤努斯。“所以，在我们吃午饭的时候，我可能会有一些电话采访，”他冷静地解释道。我的长期同事和朋友Jamil Hasanli是全国民主力量委员会(National Council of Democratic Forces)的主席，这是一个成立于2013年的联合反对派，旨在派出一名候选人参加总统选举，与执政10年的伊利哈姆·阿利耶夫(Ilham Aliyev)竞争。贾米尔就是那个候选人，因此也是最近一个在选举中败给阿利耶夫总统的反对派成员。失败是预料之中的结果，并没有影响他的名声或他在民主党派联盟中的领导地位，所以反对派新闻媒体想引用他的话。最近，对人权捍卫者、记者和政权批评者的逮捕激增。在颜色革命推翻了从开罗到基辅的独裁统治者之后，当局的目标一直是他们组织的二线领导人，或者年轻的活动人士、记者和博客作者。莱拉·尤努斯(Leyla Yunus)的被捕打破了这种模式，并在社会上引发了冲击波。4月28日晚，她和她的丈夫历史学家阿里夫·尤努斯(Arif Yunus)在前往比利时参加一个会议的途中被从出境航班上带走。莱拉被拘留，患有高血压的阿里夫被送往医院。他们的公寓被搜查了。这些行动表明，由于这对夫妇在阿塞拜疆和国际上作为活动家和学者的突出地位，以及莱拉作为法国荣誉军团骑士，政权对其批评者的压力不断升级。如果莱拉被逮捕，谁会安全?在国营电视台上很难看到她被捕的消息，所以我在报亭里找报纸。2014年，尽管价格已经提高，他们的办公室也像主要反对党的办公室一样，已经从市中心搬到了郊区的偏远地区，但仍然有许多反对派报纸。我从市中心的旅馆走到一个大报亭，那里有大量的报纸和杂志。我用阿塞拜疆语向报亭里的年轻人要了一份政府报纸《阿塞拜疆》和大约六份反对派报纸。我看到了
{"title":"The price of freedom: Torture of political prisoners in Europe today","authors":"Audrey L. Altstadt, M. Buttino, Ulvi Ismayil, Leyla Yunus, Arif Yunus","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2021.1921374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2021.1921374","url":null,"abstract":"“Leyla was arrested last night”, said my friend when the waiter walked away from our table in a hillside restaurant in Baku. It was the end of April 2014. In Baku’s political circles, there was only one Leyla, the firebrand dissident, regime critic and human rights activist Leyla Yunus. “So, I might have some phone interviews while we have lunch”, he explained soberly. My long-time colleague and friend, Jamil Hasanli was head of the National Council of Democratic Forces, a united opposition formed in 2013 to field a single candidate for the presidential election against ten-year incumbent Ilham Aliyev. Jamil had been that candidate and thus the most recent member of the opposition to lose a tainted election to President Aliyev. The defeat was a foregone conclusion and did not affect his celebrity or his leading position in the coalition of democratic parties, so opposition news outlets wanted to quote him. There had been a recent surge of arrests of human rights defenders, journalists, and regime critics. The regime’s targets had been second-tier leadership of their organizations, or young activists, journalists and bloggers that the regime feared after colour revolutions toppled authoritarian rulers fromCairo to Kyiv. The arrest of Leyla Yunus was a departure from that pattern, and it sent shock waves through society. On the evening of April 28, she and her husband historian Arif Yunus were removed from an outbound flight on their way to a conference in Belgium. Leyla was taken into custody, and Arif, who was subject to hypertension, was taken to the hospital. Their apartment was searched. These actions signalled an escalation of regime pressure on its critics because of the couple’s prominence in Azerbaijan and internationally as activists and scholars and, in Leyla’s case, as Knight of the Legion of Honor of France. If Leyla could be arrested, who was safe? News of her arrest was difficult to find on state-run television, so I looked for newspapers in the kiosks. In 2014, there were still many opposition newspapers although prices had been raised and their offices, like those of the major opposition parties, had been pushed out of the city centre to remote locations on the outskirts. I walked from my hotel downtown to a large newspaper kiosk with an extensive collection of newspapers and magazines. Speaking Azerbaijani, I asked the young man in the kiosk for one government newspaper, Azerbaijan, and about six from opposition sources. I saw that","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"180 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2021.1921374","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47035520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2021.1935754
Anonymous
Einstein AJ, Shaw LJ, Hirschfeld C, Williams MC, Villines TC, Better N, Vitola JV, Cerci R, Dorbala S, Raggi P, Choi AD, Lu B, Sinitsyn V, Sergienko V, Kudo T, Nørgaard BL, Maurovich-Horvat P, Campisi R, Milan E, Louw L, Allam AH, Bhatia M, Malkovskiy E, Goebel B, Cohen Y, Randazzo M, Narula J, Pascual TNB, Pynda Y, Dondi M, Paez D, on behalf of the INCAPS COVID Investigators Group International Impact of COVID-19 on the Diagnosis of Heart Disease J Am Coll Cardiol 2021;77:173–85 The INCAPS COVID Investigators Group, listed in the appendix, was not coded properly when this article initially published. As a result, they were not indexed on PubMed. Their names have now been coded properly to facilitate inclusion in the PubMed indexing. The publisher apologizes for this error.
{"title":"Correction","authors":"Anonymous","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2021.1935754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2021.1935754","url":null,"abstract":"Einstein AJ, Shaw LJ, Hirschfeld C, Williams MC, Villines TC, Better N, Vitola JV, Cerci R, Dorbala S, Raggi P, Choi AD, Lu B, Sinitsyn V, Sergienko V, Kudo T, Nørgaard BL, Maurovich-Horvat P, Campisi R, Milan E, Louw L, Allam AH, Bhatia M, Malkovskiy E, Goebel B, Cohen Y, Randazzo M, Narula J, Pascual TNB, Pynda Y, Dondi M, Paez D, on behalf of the INCAPS COVID Investigators Group International Impact of COVID-19 on the Diagnosis of Heart Disease J Am Coll Cardiol 2021;77:173–85 The INCAPS COVID Investigators Group, listed in the appendix, was not coded properly when this article initially published. As a result, they were not indexed on PubMed. Their names have now been coded properly to facilitate inclusion in the PubMed indexing. The publisher apologizes for this error.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"211 - 211"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2021.1935754","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48097675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2021.1896293
S. Pattie
One of the most distinctive phenomena of our era is the high rate of mobility of people who leave their home to settle somewhere else because of war, persecution, poverty. According to UN estimate, the number of international migrants globally reached 272 million in 2019.1 Many of them die on their way as states try to block their movement for the sake of “national interests.” States decide which movements of human beings are legal which are not. Although its scale and tragedy have reached a stunning level, global migration from East to West is hardly a new phenomenon. David Gutman’s The Politics of Armenian Migration to North America, 1885–1915: Sojourners, Smugglers and Dubious Citizens handles one of the earliest cases, namely migration of Ottoman Armenians to the US. As Gutman argues, the high mobility of Middle Eastern immigrants and refugees of the time in question reshaped the policies and methods of states to deter them, most of which became well-established practices in the following decades. Gutman’s work opens up a perspective to assess how the modern regime and practices of migration have been shaped. He rightly complains about a lack of conversation between scholars (we may add activists) who study migration as a contemporary global phenomenon and historians of the subject (p. 45). His work may be read as an attempt at starting such a conversation, which would sharpen the understanding of the dynamics of global migration. The author calculates that at least 65,000 Armenians migrated from the Ottoman Empire to North America from the late 1880s to the 1910s (p. 4). He focuses on the Harput region in the east, as more than half of those Armenians were from this region. After a capable introduction, the book is divided into three parts. The first part, consisting of three chapters, handles the outbound migration of Armenians. It narrates the history of migration from the Harput region, and explains how and why the Ottoman state tried to halt the migration of Armenians to North America and why it failed, as well as how the smuggling networks emerged and worked after the ban. The second part, consisting of chapters 4 and 5, focuses on the return migration of Armenians and the efforts of the Ottoman state to block their entrance. N E W P E R S P E C T IV E S O N T U R K E Y
我们这个时代最显著的现象之一是，由于战争、迫害和贫困，人们离开家园到其他地方定居的流动率很高。根据联合国的估计，2019年全球国际移民人数达到2.72亿。9.1由于各国为了“国家利益”试图阻止他们的流动，其中许多人在途中死亡。各国决定哪些人的流动是合法的，哪些是非法的。尽管其规模和悲剧已经达到了惊人的程度，但从东方到西方的全球移民并不是一个新现象。大卫·古特曼（David Gutman）的《亚美尼亚移民到北美的政治》（The Politics of Armenian Migration to North America，1885–1915）：记者、走私者和可疑公民处理了最早的案件之一，即奥斯曼亚美尼亚人移民到美国。正如古特曼所说，当时中东移民和难民的高流动性重塑了国家阻止他们的政策和方法，在接下来的几十年里，大多数都成为了公认的做法。古特曼的工作为评估现代移民制度和实践是如何形成的开辟了一个视角。他正确地抱怨了研究移民这一当代全球现象的学者（我们可以加上活动家）与该主题的历史学家之间缺乏对话（第45页）。他的作品可以被解读为试图开始这样一场对话，这将加深对全球移民动态的理解。作者计算，从19世纪80年代末到19世纪10年代，至少有65000名亚美尼亚人从奥斯曼帝国迁移到北美（第4页）。他将重点放在东部的哈普特地区，因为这些亚美尼亚人中有一半以上来自该地区。经过精辟的介绍，这本书分为三个部分。第一部分由三章组成，论述亚美尼亚人的出境移民问题。它讲述了哈普特地区移民的历史，并解释了奥斯曼帝国如何以及为什么试图阻止亚美尼亚人向北美移民，以及为什么失败，以及走私网络在禁令后是如何出现和运作的。第二部分由第4章和第5章组成，重点介绍亚美尼亚人的返回移民以及奥斯曼帝国阻止他们入境的努力。N E W P E R S P E C T IV E S O N T U R K E Y
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Pub Date : 2021-03-11DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2021.1897765
Aleksandre Kvakhadze
ABSTRACT The 1992–93 war in Abkhazia was one of several ethno-nationalist conflicts which blighted the Caucasus, following the demise of the Soviet Union. The conflict involved the large-scale mobilization of volunteers, from southern Russia and from further afield, who allied with Abkhaz secessionists in the build-up to, and during, the war. This paper examines the coalition-building process between Abkhaz secessionists and other ethno-nationalist movements throughout the conflict. This article’s central questions examine how the coalitions between Abkhaz and non-indigenous movements formed and how the process of coalition-building impacted on the longevity of such alliances. Drawing on the concept of transnational activism, it analyses the role of ethnic relatedness, political opportunity and common threat as contributing factors which influenced mobilization and the alliance-building process. The paper assesses the durability of the transnational coalitions in three different phases of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The study illustrates that the most durable alliances formed with Abkhaz’s closest ethnic relatives Abkhaz-Abaza movements, Ossetian nationalists and the broader “Russian world.” It demonstrates that the Abkhaz connection with Chechen and Circassian movements was event-based and temporary.
{"title":"Transnational coalition building: The case of volunteers in the conflict in Abkhazia","authors":"Aleksandre Kvakhadze","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2021.1897765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2021.1897765","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 1992–93 war in Abkhazia was one of several ethno-nationalist conflicts which blighted the Caucasus, following the demise of the Soviet Union. The conflict involved the large-scale mobilization of volunteers, from southern Russia and from further afield, who allied with Abkhaz secessionists in the build-up to, and during, the war. This paper examines the coalition-building process between Abkhaz secessionists and other ethno-nationalist movements throughout the conflict. This article’s central questions examine how the coalitions between Abkhaz and non-indigenous movements formed and how the process of coalition-building impacted on the longevity of such alliances. Drawing on the concept of transnational activism, it analyses the role of ethnic relatedness, political opportunity and common threat as contributing factors which influenced mobilization and the alliance-building process. The paper assesses the durability of the transnational coalitions in three different phases of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The study illustrates that the most durable alliances formed with Abkhaz’s closest ethnic relatives Abkhaz-Abaza movements, Ossetian nationalists and the broader “Russian world.” It demonstrates that the Abkhaz connection with Chechen and Circassian movements was event-based and temporary.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"159 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2021.1897765","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48158515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-02-03DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1871242
N. Chikovani
ABSTRACT The paper deals with the Pantheon of Writers and Public Figures at the Mtatsminda rise in Tbilisi. The latter represents a memory site of widely recognized symbolic importance for a long time. Initiated at the end of the nineteenth century and opened in the 1920s, the Pantheon was conceived of as a symbol of collective identity of Georgia. The status of the Pantheon of Writers and Public Figures has largely defined its history in the following decades, both in the Soviet period and afterwards. The paper aims to trace the transformation of the idea of the Mtatsminda Pantheon as a symbol of Georgian identity over a century, to explain how and why the meanings assigned to the Pantheon evolved over time, thus contributing towards the formation of a collective memory – one of the essential elements of national identity. The work draws upon factual evidence and theoretical judgements presented in various pieces of research, as well as the analysis of papers reflecting different subject-specific discussions, information spread by media outlets, including popular newspapers, magazines, and official documents.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-25DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2021.1872242
M. Sugaipova, Julie Wilhelmsen
ABSTRACT This article examines how understandings of the rule of law are shaped in the Chechen diaspora in Norway. Taking as our point of departure studies of legal pluralism and the co-existence of traditional Adat, religious Sharia and Russian secular law in Chechnya, we examine the effect of living in a host country by asking: How do members of the Chechen diaspora, here defined as conflict-generated diaspora, view and internalize legal models in Norway? What type of state governance do they see as ideal for themselves and for Chechnya in the future? Further: what might the underlying explanation for their choices be? We assume that just as different waves of violence in Chechnya created different diaspora communities that today exhibit specific social, cultural and political traits, the latest wave of forced emigration to Europe after the post-Soviet Russo–Chechen wars may have made specific imprints on the legal preferences of this diaspora. The picture that emerges from our in-depth individual interviews and surveys is one of gradual adaptation and adjustment to Norwegian state governance and rule of law, demonstrating the complex and co-constitutive relationships between changing identities and legal preferences.
{"title":"The Chechen post-war diaspora in Norway and their visions of legal models","authors":"M. Sugaipova, Julie Wilhelmsen","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2021.1872242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2021.1872242","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines how understandings of the rule of law are shaped in the Chechen diaspora in Norway. Taking as our point of departure studies of legal pluralism and the co-existence of traditional Adat, religious Sharia and Russian secular law in Chechnya, we examine the effect of living in a host country by asking: How do members of the Chechen diaspora, here defined as conflict-generated diaspora, view and internalize legal models in Norway? What type of state governance do they see as ideal for themselves and for Chechnya in the future? Further: what might the underlying explanation for their choices be? We assume that just as different waves of violence in Chechnya created different diaspora communities that today exhibit specific social, cultural and political traits, the latest wave of forced emigration to Europe after the post-Soviet Russo–Chechen wars may have made specific imprints on the legal preferences of this diaspora. The picture that emerges from our in-depth individual interviews and surveys is one of gradual adaptation and adjustment to Norwegian state governance and rule of law, demonstrating the complex and co-constitutive relationships between changing identities and legal preferences.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"140 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2021.1872242","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47816925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-20DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1861514
E. Davtyan
ABSTRACT The conventional wisdom says that material and structural constraints push small states into a more or less predictable foreign and security policy. Georgia’s case shows that, together with these limitations, the foreign policy of small states is also influenced by the way the ruling elites perceive the smallness of their state. This article explains why at different periods of time Georgia demonstrated diverging and even contradictory foreign policy behaviours, despite not achieving significant economic and military strength or witnessing crucial systemic changes in its security environment. I argue that the way ruling elites interpreted smallness influenced their understanding of Georgia’s foreign policy capacity and agency in the international system. This in turn pushed Georgia into fundamentally different paths, stretching from a passive and mostly reactive foreign policy to a highly ambitious, uncompromising and hawkish one.
{"title":"Agency and perceptions of smallness: understanding Georgia’s foreign policy behaviour","authors":"E. Davtyan","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2020.1861514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2020.1861514","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The conventional wisdom says that material and structural constraints push small states into a more or less predictable foreign and security policy. Georgia’s case shows that, together with these limitations, the foreign policy of small states is also influenced by the way the ruling elites perceive the smallness of their state. This article explains why at different periods of time Georgia demonstrated diverging and even contradictory foreign policy behaviours, despite not achieving significant economic and military strength or witnessing crucial systemic changes in its security environment. I argue that the way ruling elites interpreted smallness influenced their understanding of Georgia’s foreign policy capacity and agency in the international system. This in turn pushed Georgia into fundamentally different paths, stretching from a passive and mostly reactive foreign policy to a highly ambitious, uncompromising and hawkish one.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"120 - 139"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2020.1861514","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48838116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-18DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1867473
Elene Kekelia, Oliver Reisner
ABSTRACT Today, Stalin still haunts the Georgian public. Recent studies have focused solely on “collected” quantitative surveys, rather than “collective” memory on Stalin in Georgia. This paper approaches the Stalin puzzle differently by introducing specific social frameworks and by going beyond a generational analysis. This study illustrates a case of contested memory around Stalin monuments. Drawing on fieldwork (ethnography and interviews) conducted in the Kakheti region and the city of Gori, we analyse how the Stalin cult developed into a memory site. This transformation happened by applying a specific narrative template, which was adapted to different political environments, from the Stalin era until today. We conclude that two opposing interpretations of the narrative template for Stalin as a memory site rely on the same forms, while containing totally different content that we label as an affirmative “golden” variant and an unfavourable “pink” one.
{"title":"Golden or pink – Stalin as an embattled memory site","authors":"Elene Kekelia, Oliver Reisner","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2020.1867473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2020.1867473","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Today, Stalin still haunts the Georgian public. Recent studies have focused solely on “collected” quantitative surveys, rather than “collective” memory on Stalin in Georgia. This paper approaches the Stalin puzzle differently by introducing specific social frameworks and by going beyond a generational analysis. This study illustrates a case of contested memory around Stalin monuments. Drawing on fieldwork (ethnography and interviews) conducted in the Kakheti region and the city of Gori, we analyse how the Stalin cult developed into a memory site. This transformation happened by applying a specific narrative template, which was adapted to different political environments, from the Stalin era until today. We conclude that two opposing interpretations of the narrative template for Stalin as a memory site rely on the same forms, while containing totally different content that we label as an affirmative “golden” variant and an unfavourable “pink” one.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"250 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2020.1867473","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47846996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-14DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1870076
A. Tokarev, A. Margoev, A. Prikhodchenko
ABSTRACT The article designs an empirical model to compare the level of engagement of de facto states in Eurasia by three great powers and non-great power patron states. The authors build diagrams based on three variables – military, political, and economic – whose indicators are determined by an expert survey. Russia engages the most de facto states and to the greatest degree, while the US falls behind since engaging the de facto states is not a key national security concern. However, neither holds a universal principle of engaging de facto states – each case is treated based on broader political and national security considerations. China, wary of domestic separatism, has no military ties with the de facto states and limited economic and political engagement. Taiwan scores the highest among the de facto states with the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Abkhazia falling behind by a large margin. The Peoples’ Republics of Luhansk and Donetsk and Transnistria score the lowest. The study reveals, the degree of engagement matters more than the number of the UN member states formally recognizing a de facto state.
{"title":"The statehood of Eurasia’s de facto states: an empirical model of engagement by great powers and patrons","authors":"A. Tokarev, A. Margoev, A. Prikhodchenko","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2020.1870076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2020.1870076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article designs an empirical model to compare the level of engagement of de facto states in Eurasia by three great powers and non-great power patron states. The authors build diagrams based on three variables – military, political, and economic – whose indicators are determined by an expert survey. Russia engages the most de facto states and to the greatest degree, while the US falls behind since engaging the de facto states is not a key national security concern. However, neither holds a universal principle of engaging de facto states – each case is treated based on broader political and national security considerations. China, wary of domestic separatism, has no military ties with the de facto states and limited economic and political engagement. Taiwan scores the highest among the de facto states with the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and Abkhazia falling behind by a large margin. The Peoples’ Republics of Luhansk and Donetsk and Transnistria score the lowest. The study reveals, the degree of engagement matters more than the number of the UN member states formally recognizing a de facto state.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"93 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2020.1870076","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46306231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/23761199.2020.1871236
Jeannot Fritschen
ABSTRACT The Georgian Legion of World War I represented one of the most peculiar and informative implementations of Germany’s grand scheme to win the war by revolution and, eventually, to replace enemy imperial rule. While the topic is only scarcely known in research, abundant sources exist to tell the unfortunate story of hundreds of refugees turned into soldiers by Georgian nationalists and German officers. The endeavour was later assessed as widely unsuccessful by its participants and by historians, but its true value can only be uncovered by embedding the legion into its wider context, as an integral component of Germany’s “programme for revolution”, as well as by drawing parallels to similar undertakings. This article furthermore aims to discuss the origins of the idea for the initiative and to draw conclusions about its seeming failure, while providing an alternative perspective on the project. By discussing its implementation and motives, the analysis of the legion can deliver insight on the underlying motives of German wartime foreign policy and on the collaboration of nationalist actors as agents of German imperialism, while being simultaneous promoters of their genuine revolutionary cause.
{"title":"The Georgian Legion of World War I","authors":"Jeannot Fritschen","doi":"10.1080/23761199.2020.1871236","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2020.1871236","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Georgian Legion of World War I represented one of the most peculiar and informative implementations of Germany’s grand scheme to win the war by revolution and, eventually, to replace enemy imperial rule. While the topic is only scarcely known in research, abundant sources exist to tell the unfortunate story of hundreds of refugees turned into soldiers by Georgian nationalists and German officers. The endeavour was later assessed as widely unsuccessful by its participants and by historians, but its true value can only be uncovered by embedding the legion into its wider context, as an integral component of Germany’s “programme for revolution”, as well as by drawing parallels to similar undertakings. This article furthermore aims to discuss the origins of the idea for the initiative and to draw conclusions about its seeming failure, while providing an alternative perspective on the project. By discussing its implementation and motives, the analysis of the legion can deliver insight on the underlying motives of German wartime foreign policy and on the collaboration of nationalist actors as agents of German imperialism, while being simultaneous promoters of their genuine revolutionary cause.","PeriodicalId":37506,"journal":{"name":"Caucasus Survey","volume":"9 1","pages":"21 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23761199.2020.1871236","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46842824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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