Pub Date : 2023-04-08DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2200057
M. Almagisti
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Pub Date : 2023-04-08DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2201523
S. Bianchini
{"title":"I Balcani dopo le guerre. Ascesa e declino dell’intervento internazionale","authors":"S. Bianchini","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2023.2201523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2201523","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43153984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-05DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183
A. Criscitiello
ABSTRACT The living constitution was considerably transformed in the delicate and lengthy transition between the First and Second Italian Republics. These changes have also concerned the role and functions of the president of the Republic. In the last three legislatures, there has been much use of the renowned metaphor of the accordion of presidential power, which expands and contracts according to the role played by the parties in the political system. For although the Constitution has remained unchanged, this period has seen two important ‘exceptional’ responses by presidents to serious political crises: first, the appointment of prime ministers from outside of Parliament and the parties, the so-called governments of the president; and second, the second terms of Giorgio Napolitano in April 2013 and Sergio Mattarella in January 2022. But is this extreme expansion of the accordion really sufficient to demonstrate that we have stronger presidencies? An in-depth analysis of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s responses to the critical junctures in the political system in fact paints a more complex picture. This article is divided into four parts. The first part analyses the two ‘longest presidencies’ from the perspective of the presidentialisation of the political system. The second outlines the key critical phases of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s periods in office, with a focus on their ‘governing’ function, as permitted by the silent constitution. The third focuses on the dynamics of the second elections. Finally, the fourth highlights the most significant transformations within the silent constitution over this period.
{"title":"The silent constitution: the presidency of Republic between constitutional provisions and actual powers","authors":"A. Criscitiello","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2199183","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The living constitution was considerably transformed in the delicate and lengthy transition between the First and Second Italian Republics. These changes have also concerned the role and functions of the president of the Republic. In the last three legislatures, there has been much use of the renowned metaphor of the accordion of presidential power, which expands and contracts according to the role played by the parties in the political system. For although the Constitution has remained unchanged, this period has seen two important ‘exceptional’ responses by presidents to serious political crises: first, the appointment of prime ministers from outside of Parliament and the parties, the so-called governments of the president; and second, the second terms of Giorgio Napolitano in April 2013 and Sergio Mattarella in January 2022. But is this extreme expansion of the accordion really sufficient to demonstrate that we have stronger presidencies? An in-depth analysis of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s responses to the critical junctures in the political system in fact paints a more complex picture. This article is divided into four parts. The first part analyses the two ‘longest presidencies’ from the perspective of the presidentialisation of the political system. The second outlines the key critical phases of Napolitano’s and Mattarella’s periods in office, with a focus on their ‘governing’ function, as permitted by the silent constitution. The third focuses on the dynamics of the second elections. Finally, the fourth highlights the most significant transformations within the silent constitution over this period.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"297 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47020776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-04DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2199494
L. Rullo, Federica Nunziata
ABSTRACT This article aims to retrace the main stages of the 2022 Italian presidential election through the messages spread within the Web environment. In particular, it investigates the digital communication on Facebook of the main political leaders and parties involved, as a privileged perspective from which to understand contemporary Italian politics. To achieve these objectives, the article is divided into three sections. First, it discusses the main challenges of presidential elections over the last twenty years, by observing how digital disruption has transformed their fundamental dynamics and political actors’ communication strategies. Second, it employs methodological approaches that are based on digital methods and content analysis to explore the digital discourse of both party leaders and their respective parties before, during and after the 2022 election. More specifically, it analyses how they used Facebook as a primary tool to inform and engage with both citizens and mainstream media, as well as to shape political bargaining. Overall, the article argues that, although Italy’s presidential race lacks any formal list of candidates, as the election is largely decided behind closed doors, the spread of digital platforms has to some extent brought the manoeuvring between political forces into public view introducing, to some extent, a new phase of campaigning. Finally, it shows how presidential elections in the Web environment have contributed to presidential personalization in Italy and explores complementary reasons why digital platforms have acquired a new centrality in the Italian political environment.
{"title":"The 2022 presidential election: what happened on Facebook?","authors":"L. Rullo, Federica Nunziata","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2023.2199494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2199494","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to retrace the main stages of the 2022 Italian presidential election through the messages spread within the Web environment. In particular, it investigates the digital communication on Facebook of the main political leaders and parties involved, as a privileged perspective from which to understand contemporary Italian politics. To achieve these objectives, the article is divided into three sections. First, it discusses the main challenges of presidential elections over the last twenty years, by observing how digital disruption has transformed their fundamental dynamics and political actors’ communication strategies. Second, it employs methodological approaches that are based on digital methods and content analysis to explore the digital discourse of both party leaders and their respective parties before, during and after the 2022 election. More specifically, it analyses how they used Facebook as a primary tool to inform and engage with both citizens and mainstream media, as well as to shape political bargaining. Overall, the article argues that, although Italy’s presidential race lacks any formal list of candidates, as the election is largely decided behind closed doors, the spread of digital platforms has to some extent brought the manoeuvring between political forces into public view introducing, to some extent, a new phase of campaigning. Finally, it shows how presidential elections in the Web environment have contributed to presidential personalization in Italy and explores complementary reasons why digital platforms have acquired a new centrality in the Italian political environment.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"365 - 379"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41654458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2195776
E. Brighi, S. Giusti
ABSTRACT This article seeks to analyse the Italian diplomatic response to the Ukrainian crisis. To this end, the article relies on role theory to understand how Italy’s diplomatic posture during the war was influenced by the expectations deriving from its EU and NATO membership, but also by the different role conceptions emerging in the public debate. Though Italy under its Prime Minister, Mario Draghi, not only responded to but effectively led European strategy towards Ukraine during the crisis – including supporting Ukraine’s membership bid – on the internal front the country was polarized, unwilling to push for further punishment of Russia in view of its economic reverberations, but also questioning military involvement in the war in Ukraine. After a failed attempt to reconcile external expectations and domestic preferences, centred around Italy’s sponsorship of a ‘peace plan’ for Ukraine, the tension between the two sets of influences intensified to the point of precipitating the end of the Draghi government in July 2022, with Italy’s response to the Ukrainian crisis invoked as one of the main causes of the government’s fall. Although the right-wing alliance of political parties that won the ensuing general elections campaigned on a populist and nationalist, ‘Italy first’, platform, the country’s posture towards the war in Ukraine has not really changed – under its current Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, Italy has continued to align with the multilateral expectations set by the EU and the US. The differences in foreign policy outlook within the current governing coalition, however, are not insignificant, and public opinion continues to be divided. This suggests that the tension underlying Italy’s foreign policy in the Ukraine crisis has not been resolved – in fact, it could still potentially undermine the country’s diplomatic posture, as well as the government’s own stability, in the months to come.
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2197689
Michela Ceccorulli
ABSTRACT The Russian military invasion of Ukraine of late February 2022 caused the largest displacement of persons since the end of the Second World War, testing the European Union’s and its member states’ resilience. In an unprecedented move, the European Union adopted an exceptional measure, the Directive on Temporary Protection, a provision to cope with crises as old as the first massive inflow the EU had experienced back in 2001 during the Balkan wars. That measure has provided order to the reception of the millions of arrivals and set aside the usual controversies among member states, originating from an incomplete and unbalanced European migration and asylum system. While aligning with the position and the directions of the EU, and thanks to unprecedented bipartisan support for the reception of the Ukrainians displaced, Italy has taken the opportunity provided by the crisis to reiterate the urgency of a permanent and structured European system to cope with massive inflows. The Mediterranean stood in the background, where the resumption of inflows, partly triggered by the consequences of the conflict, challenged the renewed climate of bipartisanship. The objective of the article is to identify (dis)continuities in Italian migration policy under Mario Draghi as the Government reacted to the conflict in Ukraine, and the possible changes that could characterize the new government of Giorgia Meloni.
2022年2月下旬，俄罗斯对乌克兰的军事入侵造成了自第二次世界大战结束以来最大规模的人口流离失所，考验着欧盟及其成员国的应变能力。欧盟史无前例地采取了一项特殊措施，即《临时保护指令》(Directive on Temporary Protection)，这是一项应对危机的规定，早在2001年巴尔干战争期间，欧盟就经历了第一次大规模移民流入。这一措施为接收数百万移民提供了秩序，并搁置了成员国之间通常因欧洲移民和庇护体系不完整和不平衡而引发的争议。在与欧盟的立场和方向保持一致的同时，由于两党对接纳乌克兰难民的空前支持，意大利利用此次危机提供的机会，重申了建立一个永久性、结构化的欧洲体系以应对大规模难民流入的紧迫性。地中海处于背景之中，在那里，部分由冲突后果引起的资金重新流入挑战了两党合作的新气氛。本文的目的是确定马里奥·德拉吉领导下的意大利移民政策的(不)连续性，因为政府对乌克兰冲突的反应，以及可能发生的变化，这可能是乔治娅·梅洛尼新政府的特征。
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Pub Date : 2023-04-03DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2199495
James L. Newell
As regular readers of Contemporary Italian Politics will know, the second issue each year hosts the English-language version of the Italian edition in the well-known annual series, Politica in Italia. Produced in collaboration with the Istituto Cattaneo in Bologna and the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, Politica in Italia has been published, by Il Mulino, every year since 1986. It therefore provides a service not only to Italianists, but also to contemporary historians (by making available essays, on a wide range of Italian political and social topics, stretching back over nearly forty years) and to political scientists (by making available, in English as well as Italian, data and information for those seeking to include Italy in comparative studies). We are therefore extremely grateful to the editors, Federica Genovese and Salvatore Vassallo, and their contributors for producing what we think is another splendid edition. The sub-title of Politica in Italia – I fatti dell’anno e le interpretazioni – is, we think, significant. Interpretation is the act of explaining, reframing or otherwise showing one’s understanding of something. Interpretation therefore – we would argue – involves an inescapable subjective and thus normative element – an element that is present in political analyses in other ways besides. It is present in the choice of what to study, and what not to study. And, most significantly, it is present by virtue of the fact that the big difference between students of political and social life on the one hand, and students of the natural and physical world on the other, is that the pronouncements of the former constitute a part of the world they seek to study. They therefore inevitably have an impact on that world – they are, despite themselves, political in that sense – with the result that claims by social scientists that their work is politically neutral are inevitably false. It is important to emphasize this because there is, we think, too widespread a tendency among political scientists in general today to seek to avoid the implications of this by insisting on a detached style of writing: refusing, in the name of ‘objectivity’, to be explicit about their own normative commitments, believing that only such an approach to their work guarantees them the necessary scientific rigour. We disagree. Scientific rigour and intellectual honesty does not mean hiding from the reader one’s own value judgements. To refuse to be explicit about these is, we would argue, to be guilty of qualunquismo, by which we mean a refusal to accept one’s responsibility, as the member of a political community, to take a public stand on the issues of the day, hoping that they will pass her by, leaving her and her activity unaffected. And not infrequently, it results in texts that are dry and not at all fun to read. Only by avoiding this trap can we, as political scientists, live up to our responsibility to our students to provide
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Pub Date : 2023-03-24DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2190642
Fabrizio Di Mascio, A. Natalini
ABSTRACT The Italian public administration was called upon to spend the largest proportion of the funds made available by the European Union within the framework of the post-pandemic economic recovery programme NextGeneration EU. At the end of 2022, implementation delays drew the attention of the new ruling coalition led by Giorgia Meloni to the lack of administrative capacity, a risk factor that the Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan had foreseen – to the extent that it had included within it a number of reforms of the public administration. The article analyses the outcomes of the steps taken to increase administrative capacity in accordance with the Plan. It highlights that EU funds are out of all proportion to the actual capacity of Italian authorities to spend them.
呼吁意大利公共行政部门使用欧洲联盟在大流行后经济复苏方案“下一代欧盟”框架内提供的最大比例资金。2022年底，实施延迟引起了由乔治娅·梅洛尼(Giorgia Meloni)领导的新执政联盟对缺乏行政能力的关注，这是意大利国家复苏和弹性计划(National Recovery and Resilience Plan)预见到的一个风险因素，该计划在一定程度上包括了一系列公共行政改革。本文分析了根据该计划为提高行政能力而采取的步骤的结果。这突显出，欧盟的资金与意大利当局的实际支出能力完全不成比例。
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Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2193463
F. Genovese, S. Vassallo
ABSTRACT This introduction to the Italian Politics 2023 special issue gives an overview of the main events characterizing Italian politics during a year of large-scale policy reforms, presidential and parliamentary elections, and the unexpected Russian invasion of Ukraine. The authors pose three questions concerning Italian politics during the year gone by. First, from an institutional viewpoint, they ask whether the revival of majoritarianism as a principle of government formation represents the prelude to a return to enduring party-system bipolarity. Second, from an electoral and public policy perspective, they ask whether the formation of a government led by what many perceive as a radical right party betokens the start of a correspondingly radical shift in Italian public policy. Third, from an international relations perspective, they ask about the extent to which the Meloni government’s attitude to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and more generally to Italy’s position on the world stage and in international affairs, is likely to differ from that adopted by Draghi. The chapter elaborates on the three questions by tracing how the events of 2022 generated much more continuity than expected.
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Pub Date : 2023-03-21DOI: 10.1080/23248823.2023.2193462
A. Prontera, R. Lizzi
ABSTRACT The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine triggered profound changes in European energy policy. This was particularly the case for a country like Italy, highly dependent on Russian gas supplies and traditionally an energy partner of Moscow. In this article, we trace the major policy measures enacted by the Draghi government to address security-of-supply risks and foster the development of renewable energy. Moreover, we highlight a number of continuities and differences that emerged in these areas with the appointment of the new government led by Giorgia Meloni. Finally, we discuss some possible longer-term implications and risks for Italian energy policy in the wake of the innovations introduced after the invasion. These include a return of the state in energy governance, the shift of Italian foreign energy policy towards the Mediterranean and Africa as well as unsolved problems in the management of centre-periphery relations for accelerating the country’s energy transition.
{"title":"The necessary reorientation of Italian energy policy","authors":"A. Prontera, R. Lizzi","doi":"10.1080/23248823.2023.2193462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2023.2193462","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine triggered profound changes in European energy policy. This was particularly the case for a country like Italy, highly dependent on Russian gas supplies and traditionally an energy partner of Moscow. In this article, we trace the major policy measures enacted by the Draghi government to address security-of-supply risks and foster the development of renewable energy. Moreover, we highlight a number of continuities and differences that emerged in these areas with the appointment of the new government led by Giorgia Meloni. Finally, we discuss some possible longer-term implications and risks for Italian energy policy in the wake of the innovations introduced after the invasion. These include a return of the state in energy governance, the shift of Italian foreign energy policy towards the Mediterranean and Africa as well as unsolved problems in the management of centre-periphery relations for accelerating the country’s energy transition.","PeriodicalId":37572,"journal":{"name":"Contemporary Italian Politics","volume":"15 1","pages":"252 - 268"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45434096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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