Norteamerica最新文献

Subnational governments have become increasingly relevant actors in North America. This article examines international relations between subnational governments and dynamics of governance in the region; specifically, the relations of Canadian provinces with their counterparts in the United States and Mexico. It suggests that factors such as economic globalization, federalism, and decentralization have triggered increased paradiplomatic activities by subnational units. It also shows that international relations between Canadian provinces and subnational units in the United States are more significant than those with Mexico and involve mainly issues of sustainable economic development, the environment, natural resources, security, culture, education, science, and technology. These regional subnational dynamics have been crucial to finding solutions to common global and regional problems through subnational avenues and to advancing new forms of multilateral cooperation.

This study is an empirical analysis using survey data on the attitudes and orientations of the Mexican diaspora in the United States to explain its support for a political union between the two countries. The author articulates a theory of identity and shared affinity to explain their views on this issue. Regression analysis reveals that transnational linked fate, the belief that what happens to Mexicans in Mexico affects the lives of people of Mexican origin in the U.S., and Latino identity are significant independent predictors of support for a Mexico-U.S. political union. These findings signal the importance of the experiences of Mexicans in the U.S. to our understanding of attitudes toward North American politics.

This article analyzes five ideas about Mexican migration toward the United States that drive Trump’s immigration policy and contrasts them with official data from the Survey on Migration on the Northern Border. The author concludes that 1) the data do not justify the content of Trump’s executive orders; 2) Trump’s executive orders make sense as population control strategies to inhibit the growth of Mexican population in the United States; and, 3) Mexico’s main challenge is not the number of deportations, but the diversity of deportees’ needs.

This article’s main objective is to document the change in the Mexican government’s dominant, accepted view of lobbying in the U.S., which went from refusing to use it, following the principle of non-intervention, to its institutionalization and constant use as pressure strategies. Mexican lobbying in Washington was an old but discreet Mexican foreign policy practice until 1990; that was when it began to be used and openly institutionalized when it became necessary to influence certain decisions of our northern neighbor that affected Mexico. In conclusion, Salinas’s administration began this change in Mexican foreign policy; Vicente Fox publicly acknowledged the need for it; and Felipe Calderon continued and even consolidated it.

Mexico and the United States have a historic relationship in the political distribution of their transborder water. Nevertheless, with the deepening and importance of the North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta), transborder aquifer systems emerge as strategic reservoirs in the process of building water security on the border shared by the two nations. This article examines the case of Paso del Norte and the details of the competition for access and appropriation of transborder groundwater in recent decades based on asymmetrical institutional processes and mechanisms that have led to local political tensions. It also analyzes the implications and challenges Mexico must take on regarding the legal and institutional vacuums regulating these systems and reflects on the importance of designing a sovereign, interdependent water policy to foster cooperation for equitable distribution of transborder groundwater.

The nineteenth century was crucial for the global expansión of republicanism and liberal political culture, and with them, modernity/coloniality. In this context, the rise of the United States as a new actor in global politics brought with it a re-composition of imperial, colonial, and racial imaginaries. This article looks at how white supremacy became rooted in the liberal republican imaginary of U.S. identity and discusses how this has been maintained on the basis of racializing black populations and making them seem foreign and understanding them as the domestic otherness.

Maxwell McCombs proposed a hypothesis that required testing in the digital media. McCombs predicted that the correlation between new media agendas would need to be greatly opposing rather than greatly redundant, like those typically found in traditional media agendas. This study tested McCombs’ hypothesis and provides evidence that confirms it. The research examines the Facebook (fb) agenda-building effect between two Democratic candidates, Danny Valdez and Tano Tijerina, who ran for the Webb County judge seat during the 2014 Texas primary. The census sample included a total of 246 FB posts, 73 percent from Valdez and 27 percent from Tijerina. The fb agenda-building effect of election issues showed a slight positive correlation (rho = + 0.286) between the two Democratic candidates. Similar behavior was observed in the fb agenda-building effect of positive personal attributes, showing a slight positive correlation (rho = + 0.386). These results show that both fb agenda-building effects have a weak degree of interdependence, indicating that the Democratic candidates’ agendas were independent of each other.

The etiology of migrant smuggling has been ascribed to the growth of transnational organized crime, the demand of migrants’ social networks, and employer demand. Studies based on secondary sources tend to link this activity to transnational organized crime, while those based on primary sources argue that it is not organized-crime operated. This article, based on primary sources, underlines the preeminence of pull factors (the demand for migrant labor by U.S. employers), because, after interviewing 170 migrant smugglers between 2008 and 2015 (mainly from the Mexico’s Northeast), the author found that in almost nine out of ten cases, U.S. employers played a fundamental role in financing or hiring undocumented migrants.