Norteamerica最新文献

Beyond the trade agreement among the three countries of North America, behind the scenes, their financial systems are restructuring based on changes in legislation and monetary policy in which the U.S. Federal Reserve (fed) has played a preponderate role in repositioning the big conglomerates. The strengthening of the financial system, currently dominated by international financing, created financial fragility and bank failures, and repositioned institutional investors, which then led to a huge financial crisis.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Beck noted the imminent appearance of precarious labor relations in the central countries and, using Brazil as a model, called this trend the labor Brazilianization of the West. This article identifies labor market restructuring in the United States’ Big Three auto manufacturers as a factor in their current productive and financial resurgence. Together, they have managed to de-structure the historic rules in the sector’s labor relations in processes that look like the Mexicanization of labor relations.

This article’s author puts to the test the supposition that in Quebecois narrative translated into Spanish, Spain acts as the entryway to the Western Hemisphere. Based on Bourdieusian sociology, she analyzes the circulation in the Spanish-speaking world of Quebecois narrative published in Spain between 1990 and 2012 and distributed or co-published in the Americas. The author concludes that, particularly in the case of international publishing conglomerates, Spain acts as a barrier that impedes a second life for these translations in the hemisphere.

This article studies the evolution of Georgia’s participation in U. S. elections from the end of World War II to 2012. The author uses statistic and comparative methods, using information from both official and independent sources, plus field observations. He determined that the evolution of the presidential and congressional sub-processes has been diachronic and observed a tendency to readjust forces visible in the behavior of electoral indicators and that jibes with the variation in the ethnic composition of the state’s inhabitants.

The authors analyze China’s impact on U.S.-Canadian trade. Despite Canada’s having lost its historic position as the United States’ first trade partner due to the hike in Chinese exports to the U.S. market, this has not affected the structure of their commercial operations. Chinese exports to the U.S. are mainly labor– and capital-intensive manufactured goods, while Canadian exports are mainly natural resources and services. In addition, the two countries have defense and security accords that facilitate trade and allow the United States to deal better with external threats.

The main objective of this article is to present an analysis of 20 years of the North America Free Trade Agreement (nafta) in the area of cultural policies, specifically, those related to cultural industries. Our main focus is to compare the positions that the Canadian and Mexican governments have taken vis-à-vis the world’s number-one audiovisual power, the United States. Within this scenario, we have spotlighted the Mexican case.

The twentieth anniversary of nafta is an opportunity to reflect on what has happened to migration flows. In this essay, the author gives an overview of the trends of Mexican legal high- and low-skilled migration flows as well as of unauthorized flows to the United States, which have increased significantly during the last 20 years, contrary to original expectations. She takes Mexican migration to Canada as a reference for comparison since the flows are less dynamic. Finally, she also analyzes the significant increase of foreigners entering Mexico and the new phenomenon of “return migration.”

U.S. America’s aggressive drug enforcement policy, costing over US$1 trillion and putting millions of people in prison for casual drug use, is an abject failure. By regulating drug use rather than criminalizing it, per capita recreational drug use in the United States would be the same or even lower than it currently is, safer for consumers, and far less costly to society in terms of socioeconomic harm. This failed policy has not only affected U.S. society in such a harmful way that it almost cannot be overstated, but it has also resulted in quite needless drug cartel violence in Mexico and other countries. Included here is a pragmatic suggestion for reform of U.S. drug policy.

Using the theory of social representations proposed by Sergei Moscovici (1979) and ethnographic work, this article explains the representations of “temporary” agricultural workers held by immigrants –mainly Latin Americans– and Quebec-born residents in Saint-Rémi both in urban and rural areas. The author also delves into how those representations –mostly negative– impact the treatment of Mexican and Guatemalan day-workers.