Norteamerica最新文献

Twenty years after the North American Free Trade Agreement came into effect, compliance with and pending issues regarding Chapter xx about transportation continue to be a matter of strategic interest for maintaining the increase in trade, ensuring national security (especially in the United States) and fostering regional integration with common advantages for the three countries. While trade has increased for the three partners, for Mexico, it is clear that the construction of 100 transportation infrastructure projects to make that possible have left to one side previously existing problems of integration, and that new inequalities have emerged with the failed attempts to achieve the agreement’s freedom of transit.

The breakdown of the financial markets in 2007 and the ensuing debt crisis in the EU has produced enormous mistrust in financial products and the monetary system. The emergence of shadow banking also changed the behavior patterns of management so that its self-interest dominated the interests of shareholders and the other stakeholders. These false incentives led to merger processes in the financial system resulting in market structures in which single institutions became too big or too connected to fail. The empirical developments and the political counter-measures described in this article point to the fact that the macro-perspective has been dominant, neglecting individual irresponsibility and failure.

The article aims to describe in detail the essence of the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), interpreting it as an initiative to overcome disfunctionalities and shortcomings of previous international arrangements among the United States, Canada, and Mexico. The spp failed to deliver the results that its initiators had in mind; its outputs were limited in scope measured in terms of the issues tackled, joint policies, and regional regimes. It brought some policy integration into North America beyond economic issues, but did not transform itself into a regional governance mechanism that would bring about self-regulation norms and structures.

Based on the Mexico’s responses to the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (naalc), this article evaluates whether the parallel labor agreement has spurred Mexico to adopt international labor rights norms and therefore, if the “spiral model” can explain the improved protection of these rights in Mexico. The author suggests that even when labor agreements are weak, transnational defense networks can lead states to accept international labor norms, which can result in strengthening labor protections inside a country.

This article assesses U.S. security policy on U.S.-Mexico land ports of entry, before and after 9/11. It tracks U.S. security policy’s impact over time by using multiple interrupted time-series (mit) and yearly time-series of border activity measures from 1994 to 2009. The results demonstrate that, other things being equal, post-9/11 U.S. security policy changes had marginal effects; in other words, policy responses make no difference when their performance is compared on, before, and after 9/11; thus, U.S.-Mexico economic integration may be a stronger determinant of security at U.S.-Mexico land ports of entry.

This article analyzes the evolution of Mexico-U.S. economic interdependence by applying export and import concentration indices for the years between 1980 and 2010. The indices show a high degree of asymmetrical interdependence, which has not been resolved by trade integration, even though Mexico has made efforts to diversify its trade.

The transformation of the international context in the second half of the twentieth century underlined the need to incorporate respect for minorities, confronting liberal states with the problem of integrating this new plurality into their national legal frameworks. The dynamics of multiculturalism in Canada shows how liberalism has dealt with the incorporation of policies to promote the acceptance of diversity in the face of a vision of state neutrality. But, at the same time, Quebec’s intercultural perspective is different from Canada’s multiculturalism. In this framework, this article analyzes the process of adopting Canadian multiculturalist policies hand in hand with their theoreticians.

One of the challenges facing multicultural policies is the growth of the indigenous population in urban areas. Using the case of women, this article attempts to point out that that multicultural policies based on recognition are not adequate for resolving living conditions in urban areas. It discusses multiculturalism centered on recognition and focused on diferentiated citizenship, as well as an understanding of diversity and redistribution that ponders structural diffe-rences and the intersection of race, class, and gender.

Factors like a rising life expectancy, precariousness in the job market, and lack of jobs for older adults affect pension systems. Our hypothesis states that the move from the distributive system to one based on personal capitalization accounts does not eliminate the financial risks posed by the population’s increasing longevity. We follow Poterba’s contrast strategy (2001, 2004), which correlates population structure with the interest rate in the United States and Canada. The authors conclude that international capital mobility benefited the countries that aged first and that we are currently facing a greater challenge to achieving adequate pensions.