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Private entities shaping community interests: (re)imagining the ‘publicness’ of public international law as an epistemic tool 塑造社区利益的私人实体:(重新)将国际公法的“公共性”想象为一种认知工具
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-11 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2232599
Letizia Lo Giacco
ABSTRACT While the very existence of community interests has arguably motivated states to engage in multilateral treaty-making, create international organisations and criminalise conduct internationally, among other things, the foundational ‘publicness’ of public international law appears largely under-explored among public international lawyers. A turn to publicness is rendered all the more necessary by the blurring divide between public/private, in the face of globalisation processes that have been affecting the way in which public interests, goods and functions traditionally thought to be within the exclusive remit of state sovereignty are defined, negotiated and acted upon by private entities. Looking at ‘publicness’ as an epistemic tool, this contribution critically revisits how private actors engaging with areas of common interest have actually shaped the contours of ‘public’ in a public international law context. It suggests to (re)imagine the ‘publicness’ in order to be able to guide practices instead of being forged by them.
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引用次数: 0
What does finance democracy look like?: thinking beyond fintech and regtech 金融民主是什么样子的超越金融科技和regtech的思考
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2204777
Eric White
ABSTRACT The paper addresses the purported ‘democratisation’ of finance as it has been heralded among many proponents of decentralized finance (‘DeFi’). It places the emergence of decentralised platform financing in the context of a continuing neo-liberalization of public services to interrogate the democratisation claim. Following a brief presentation of the guiding principles for both Canadian and U.S. securities regulation law, the paper explains the fast evolution of DeFi and argues that its driving impetus is the inclusion of individuals into a financial system that features little centralisation and even less regulatory oversight. While access to online investment forms is broadened, it remains questionable to which degree such a system can be an instrument in the pursuit of long-term oriented public goods goals.
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引用次数: 0
Dworkin’s interpretivism, legal monism, and the threat of ‘authoritarian’ international law 德沃金的解释主义、法律一元论与“威权主义”国际法的威胁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2232598
Thomas Bustamante
ABSTRACT Dworkin’s philosophy of international law is distinct from other theories because it rejects five separations: a separability between international law and national legal orders, a separability between law and morality, a separability in the sources of political legitimacy of a state’s government and of international law, a separability between the concepts of law and the rule of law, and a separability between theory and practice. This paper argues that the rejection of these assumptions makes Dworkin’s legal monism well equipped to respond to a recent threat to the authority of international law, namely the practice described by Ginsburg as an ‘authoritarian use’ of international law. ‘Authoritarian’ international law disavowals some inferentially articulated commitments that are an important aspect of the rationality of law. Dworkin’s monism enhances the intellectual attitude required by these commitments and resists some fragmentations that provide occasions and opportunities for authoritarian international law.
摘要德沃金的国际法哲学与其他理论不同,因为它拒绝五种分离:国际法与国家法律秩序的分离、法律与道德的分离、国家政府政治合法性来源与国际法的分离、法与法治概念的分离,以及理论与实践之间的分离性。本文认为,拒绝这些假设使德沃金的法律一元论能够很好地应对最近对国际法权威的威胁,即金斯伯格所描述的对国际法的“独裁使用”威权主义的国际法否定了一些推理明确的承诺,这些承诺是法律合理性的一个重要方面。德沃金的一元论增强了这些承诺所要求的理智态度,并抵制了一些为威权国际法提供机会的碎片。
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引用次数: 0
A political theory of state equality 国家平等的政治理论
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2232597
A. Green
ABSTRACT This paper advances a novel argument for why states are juridically equal. It embraces a fundamentally political understanding of legal statehood, whereby states provide essential ‘focuses’ and ‘forums’ through which politics can take place. On this basis, it contends that state equality cannot be properly grasped until it is acknowledged that states constitute ‘political communities’ and merit a certain degree of respect as such. It is this respect that grounds juridical equality. Political communities, in the relevant sense, need not be either democratically legitimate or particularly just. Ethically valuable politics typically operates as a response to injustice and illegitimacy. However, the normative core of state equality lies in the structural support that states provide for this distinct form of human activity.
摘要本文提出了一个新颖的论点来解释为什么国家在法律上是平等的。它包含了对合法国家的根本政治理解,通过这种理解,国家提供了政治发生的重要“焦点”和“论坛”。在此基础上,它认为,在承认国家构成“政治共同体”并值得一定程度的尊重之前,国家平等是不可能被正确把握的。正是这一方面奠定了法律平等的基础。从相关意义上讲,政治共同体既不需要民主合法,也不需要特别公正。有道德价值的政治通常是对不公正和非法行为的回应。然而,国家平等的规范核心在于国家为这种独特的人类活动形式提供的结构性支持。
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引用次数: 0
Exhausting domestic remedies or exhausting the rule of law? Revisiting the normative basis of procedural subsidiarity in the European Human Rights System 耗尽国内救济还是耗尽法治?重新审视欧洲人权体系中程序辅助性的规范基础
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2232601
A. Zysset, B. Çalı
ABSTRACT In recent years, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights has seen a new normative turn in grounding subsidiarity when interpreting the substantive rights in the European Convention on Human Rights. The Court has placed emphasis on subsidiarity considerations when the respondent state can demonstrate the democratic and rule of law pedigree of its rights-interfering actions. The Court’s interpretation of the procedural rule of the exhaustion of domestic remedies has not caught up with this new normative turn. This article argues for the ‘normative realignment’ thesis. Grounds for substantive subsidiarity are normatively defensible on democracy and rule of law considerations, and grounds for procedural subsidiarity can and should be more closely aligned with the same considerations.
摘要近年来,欧洲人权法院的判例法在解释《欧洲人权公约》中的实质性权利时,出现了新的规范性转变,以辅助性为基础。当被告国能够证明其干预权利行动的民主和法治血统时,法院强调辅助性考虑。法院对用尽国内补救办法程序规则的解释没有赶上这一新的规范性转变。本文支持“规范调整”的论点。从民主和法治的考虑来看,实质性辅助性的理由在规范上是可以辩护的,而程序辅助性的依据可以而且应该与同样的考虑更加紧密地一致。
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引用次数: 0
What might a human-rights-harmonious international regime on the use of force look like? 在使用武力方面,一个人权和谐的国际制度会是什么样子?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2232600
Frédéric Mégret
ABSTRACT The international law on the use of force has emerged as a distinct yet central pillar of international law. Although it may be intuitively understood to be connected to the promotion of human rights, it cannot be said to have emerged exclusively or even primarily as a result of human rights concerns. The rise of international human rights law has tended, coming late to that debate as it were, to neglect questions of war, deferring to specialised regimes on a largely functionalist basis. This article asks instead how one might reimagine the international law of the use of force if one takes the axiological primacy of human rights in international law seriously. This will involve a critique of the emphasis on the mere humanitarian regulation of war and a human-rights rereading of both the jus ad bellum and the jus in bello traditions.
关于使用武力的国际法已成为国际法的一个独特而核心的支柱。虽然它可以直观地理解为与促进人权有关,但不能说它完全或甚至主要是由于人权问题而出现的。国际人权法的兴起倾向于忽视战争问题,在很大程度上服从于功能主义的专门制度。相反,这篇文章询问,如果认真对待人权在国际法中的价值论首要地位,人们如何重新构想使用武力的国际法。这将涉及对仅仅强调战争的人道主义规范的批评,以及对战争法和战争法传统的人权重读。
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引用次数: 0
Public and private power in social media governance: multistakeholderism, the rule of law and democratic accountability 社交媒体治理中的公共和私人权力:多方利益相关者主义、法治和民主问责制
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2203538
Rachel Griffin
ABSTRACT Due to their political power, the largest social media platforms are often compared to governments. Consequently, their unaccountability to the public has prompted widespread concern. This article examines two prominent responses in academic and policy debates, here characterised as the multistakeholderist and rule of law responses. The former aims to increase civil society influence in platform governance. The latter argues platforms should follow similar rule of law principles to public institutions. Neither response offers meaningful democratic accountability. Their ‘tech exceptionalist’ view of platforms as state-like entities focuses on regulating existing concentrations of power instead of structural reforms, and they largely overlook the role of state regulation in constituting corporate power. Neither considers substantially reforming today’s privatised, highly-concentrated social media market. Consequently, they at best offer partial and unequal accountability. Instead, the article advocates reforms guided by an ideal of economic democracy, aiming to redistribute ownership and control of digital infrastructure.
摘要由于其政治权力,最大的社交媒体平台经常被比作政府。因此,他们对公众的不负责任引起了广泛关注。本文考察了学术和政策辩论中的两个突出回应,这里的特点是多利益相关者和法治回应。前者旨在提高民间社会在平台治理方面的影响力。后者认为,平台应该遵循与公共机构类似的法治原则。这两种回应都没有提供有意义的民主问责制。他们将平台视为类似国家的实体的“技术例外论”观点侧重于监管现有的权力集中,而不是结构性改革,他们在很大程度上忽视了国家监管在构成公司权力方面的作用。两人都没有考虑对当今私有化、高度集中的社交媒体市场进行实质性改革。因此,它们充其量只能提供部分和不平等的问责制。相反,文章主张在经济民主理想的指导下进行改革,旨在重新分配数字基础设施的所有权和控制权。
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引用次数: 2
Law as critical cartography: global value chains, borders, and the spatialisation of vulnerability 法律作为关键制图:全球价值链、边界和脆弱性的空间化
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2206760
Peer C. Zumbansen
ABSTRACT How can law(yers) grasp spatialized regimes such as global value chains, surveillance infrastructures or platform-based information exchanges? How effective is ‘jurisdiction’ in capturing the border-crossing materiality which defines these expansive, socio-material regimes of power? This article suggests that accounts according to which the ‘transnationalization’ of legal orders is the most recent stage of ‘state transformation, are myopic, largely Western ones. Such narratives are inherently orientalizing and racializing as they invisibilize the dependency relationships between the Global North and the Global South. The dominant ‘globalization’ story that lawyers have been telling themselves paints the state as a victim – first of ‘privatization’ (and neoliberalism), then of financialization and globalization (and, of course ‘terrorism’). A more adequate map highlights the ‘upstairs-downstairs’ dynamic of subjugation and exploitation of the South by the North, a dynamic of which these regimes are a further manifestation.
摘要:法律如何把握全球价值链、监控基础设施或基于平台的信息交换等空间化制度?“管辖权”在捕捉界定这些扩张的社会物质权力制度的跨境实质性方面的有效性如何?本文认为,法律秩序的“跨国化”是“国家转型”的最新阶段,这种说法是短视的,主要是西方的。这种叙事本质上是东方化和种族化的,因为它们掩盖了全球北方和全球南方之间的依赖关系。律师们一直在讲述的占主导地位的“全球化”故事将国家描绘成受害者——首先是“私有化”(和新自由主义),然后是金融化和全球化(当然还有“恐怖主义”)。一张更合适的地图突出了北方征服和剥削南方的“楼上楼下”动态,这些政权就是这种动态的进一步体现。
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引用次数: 1
Perimeters of possibility: legal imagination and structural indeterminacy in international legal thought 可能性的边界:国际法律思想中的法律想象与结构不确定性
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2203540
A. Leiter
ABSTRACT Ntina Tzouvala’s book Capitalism as Civilisation offers a critical analysis of the ‘standard of civilisation’ in international law. By combining historically situated Marxist analysis with structural linguistics the book makes a powerful contribution to the landscape of legal theory. This essay engages with Tzouvala’s methodological intervention and her proposition of a materialist theory of international law. While concurring with Tzouvala’s starting point that ‘critiquing law while avoiding its reification is one of the biggest challenges for materialist legal theory’, the essay questions Tzouvala’s insistence on linguistic structuralism as yet another form of reification through dialectic predetermination. It is this assumed predetermination, as a habit of thought of dialectical thinking, that makes it difficult to relate affirmatively to progressive practices in international law. To develop an alternative understanding of international legal practice that defies the perimeters of possibility of linguistic structuralism, this essay draws on scholarship loosely related to new materialism.
蒂娜·祖瓦拉的《资本主义即文明》一书对国际法中的“文明标准”进行了批判性分析。通过将历史上的马克思主义分析与结构语言学相结合,本书对法律理论的景观做出了强有力的贡献。这篇文章涉及Tzouvala的方法论干预和她关于国际法唯物主义理论的主张。虽然同意Tzouvala的出发点,即“批评法律同时避免其物化是唯物主义法律理论的最大挑战之一”,但文章质疑Tzouvala对语言结构主义的坚持,认为这是通过辩证法预先决定的另一种形式的物化。正是这种假定的预先决定,作为一种辩证思维的思维习惯,使它难以肯定地与国际法中的进步做法联系起来。为了发展对国际法律实践的另一种理解,突破语言结构主义可能性的界限,本文借鉴了与新唯物主义松散相关的学术研究。
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引用次数: 0
The standard of civilisation: between legal indeterminacy and political economy 文明的标准:介于法律的不确定性和政治经济之间
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2203539
Ioannis Kampourakis
Capitalism as Civilisation: A History of International Law articulates the kind of international legal history that reflects the field’s co-constitutive relation to global capitalism. This is done through the lens of the standard of ‘civilisation’ – a concept that Ntina Tzouvala shows to be both flexible and plastic and yet consistent in mediating the needs of capitalist expansion. A key insight of Capitalism as Civilisation is that ‘civilisation’ has functioned as an argumentative pattern that has been decisive for the allocation of rights and duties among different communities. Tzouvala illustrates how the adaptability and non-static nature of ‘civilisation’, and more precisely its oscillation between a ‘logic of improvement’ and a ‘logic of biology’, have contributed to its longevity and its continuing relevance for contemporary modes of capitalist accumulation. In brief, the ‘logic of improvement’ has conveyed a promise of equal participation in international law, insofar as non-Western communities would be willing to adopt the institutions and structures of Western capitalist modernity. At the same time, the ‘logic of biology’ consistently denied that very promise on account of inherent – and thus insurmountable – difference. As I will attempt to show in this review, Tzouvala uses these findings to make a broader intervention on the relationship of international law to global political economy, drawing the contours of a materialist legal theory.
《作为文明的资本主义:一部国际法史》阐明了一种反映该领域与全球资本主义共同构成关系的国际法律史。这是通过“文明”这个标准的镜头来完成的——这个概念在Ntina Tzouvala看来既灵活又有可塑性,而且在调节资本主义扩张的需求方面是一致的。《作为文明的资本主义》的一个关键观点是,“文明”作为一种论证模式发挥了作用,它对不同社会之间的权利和义务分配起着决定性的作用。Tzouvala阐明了“文明”的适应性和非静态性质,更准确地说,是它在“改进逻辑”和“生物学逻辑”之间的波动,如何促成了它的长寿,以及它与当代资本主义积累模式的持续相关性。简而言之,“改进的逻辑”传达了一种平等参与国际法的承诺,只要非西方社会愿意采用西方资本主义现代性的制度和结构。与此同时,“生物学的逻辑”由于内在的——因而也是不可克服的——差异而一贯否认这种承诺。正如我将在这篇评论中试图展示的那样,佐瓦拉利用这些发现对国际法与全球政治经济的关系进行了更广泛的干预,绘制了唯物主义法律理论的轮廓。
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引用次数: 0
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Transnational Legal Theory
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