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Transnational discrimination: the case of casteism and the Indian diaspora 跨国歧视:种姓制度和印度侨民
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2176098
Frédéric Mégret, Moushita Dutta
ABSTRACT Discrimination is typically thought as a domestic phenomenon. This article, by contrast, seeks to shed light on the transnational arc of discrimination as a result of the migration of exclusionary practices through diasporic dispersion. It takes as its case study the problem of casteism in the Indian diaspora. The caste system has long been known as a distinctly ‘Indian’ phenomenon, but Indian migration has arguably made the problem an increasingly global one. The complexity of dealing with casteism arises at the intersection of: competing mobilisations of different sectors of the diaspora; the effort of host societies to understand the problem as, increasingly, a domestic one; and a tenuous but significant role of the state of origin (India). At the same time, host societies often appear unprepared to deal with the issue and are confronted with issues of inter-cultural competency, the difficulty of fitting caste within existing anti-discrimination categories, and fear of unduly stigmatising an entire community.
歧视通常被认为是一种国内现象。相比之下,本文试图揭示由于排他性做法通过散居分散而迁移而导致的跨国歧视弧线。它以印度侨民中的种姓制度问题为案例研究。种姓制度长期以来一直被认为是一种明显的“印度”现象,但印度移民可以说使这个问题日益成为一个全球性问题。处理种姓制度的复杂性出现在以下几个方面的交叉点:海外不同阶层相互竞争的动员;东道国社会努力将这一问题日益理解为一个国内问题;以及原产国(印度)微弱但重要的作用。与此同时,东道国社会往往似乎没有准备好处理这个问题,面临着跨文化能力的问题,难以将种姓纳入现有的反歧视类别,以及担心整个社区受到不适当的污名化。
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引用次数: 0
Placed in between: the natural environment in international law 介于两者之间:国际法中的自然环境
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2178142
Lys Kulamadayil
ABSTRACT How does international law conceptualize the natural environment? What and whose premises and interests inform this conceptualization? Can its depletion, destruction and change be linked to law? Sigrid Boysen's monograph, Die postkoloniale Konstellation: Natürliche Ressourcen und das Völkerrecht der Moderne grapples with these and other questions. The book argues that colonial and capitalist expansion's disregard for planetary boundaries co-constituted the fields of modern international economic and environmental law and triggered the transnationalization of law. Boysen convincingly narrates a genealogy of ideas from imperial relations to the natural environment in the colonies all the way to the recent legal developments in the field of climate change and shows how law has consistently upheld ambivalent human-nature relations, understanding nature as a commodity and object to be civilized and rescued from the uncivilized. This review essay reflects on some of the book's central messages and propositions.
摘要:国际法是如何对自然环境进行概念化的?什么以及谁的前提和兴趣为这种概念化提供了信息?它的消耗、破坏和变化能与法律联系起来吗?西格丽德·博伊森(Sigrid Boysen)的专著《后殖民时代:国家资源与现代史》(Die postkoloniale Konstellation:Natürliche Ressourcen und das Völkerrecht der Moderne)探讨了这些问题和其他问题。该书认为,殖民主义和资本主义扩张对地球边界的漠视共同构成了现代国际经济和环境法的领域,并引发了法律的跨国化。博伊森令人信服地讲述了从帝国关系到殖民地自然环境,再到气候变化领域最近的法律发展的思想谱系,并展示了法律如何始终如一地维护矛盾的人性关系,将自然理解为一种商品和对象,以实现文明并从未文明中拯救出来。这篇评论文章反映了这本书的一些核心信息和主张。
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引用次数: 1
Law after dominium: thinking with Martti Koskenniemi on property, sovereignty and transformation 所有权之后的法律:与马尔蒂·科斯科涅米一起思考财产、主权与变迁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2178144
A. Saunders
ABSTRACT To the Uttermost Parts of the Earth describes the work of law and legal thought in the exercise of European power abroad. In focusing on the common features of the exercise of legal imagination across European traditions—on sovereignty and property—it presents the legal discipline with both the persistence of structure and the question of its transformation. In this review essay, I sketch how aspects of this work might open multiple fronts for scholarship, thought and action: through an insistence on holding onto the public and the private in law as two halves of a greater whole; through thinking about legal transformation as aesthetic practice rather than technical task; and through considering the contradictions of law as profession, and the relationship of that profession to past and future change, in a time of a massively changed and changing climate.
《到地球的尽头》描述了欧洲在海外行使权力时法律和法律思想的作用。通过对欧洲传统中行使法律想象力的共同特征——主权和财产——的关注,本书呈现了具有结构持久性和转型问题的法律学科。在这篇评论文章中,我概述了这项工作的各个方面如何为学术、思想和行动开辟多条战线:通过坚持将法律中的公共和私人作为更大整体的两个部分;通过对法律转型作为审美实践而非技术任务的思考;通过考虑法律作为职业的矛盾,以及这个职业与过去和未来变化的关系,在一个巨大变化和不断变化的气候时代。
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引用次数: 0
Cop26 and beyond: participation and gender – more of the same? Cop26及以后:参与和性别——更多的相同?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2171347
K. Morrow
ABSTRACT This article considers gender equality in the context of the most recent United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Conference of Parties (CoP), CoP26. Gender equality issues are now widely recognised within global climate change governance, playing an ongoing role within it. The CoP does not function in isolation and its regime setting is significant, in particular, in the work of UNFCCC constituted bodies and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Other parts of the United Nations, such as the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW66) can also offer important contributions to gender; and civil society too plays a vital role in this aspect of climate governance. These elements and the interplay between them have shaped gender issues at CoP26, as has the global pandemic. While gender equality is a live issue in global climate governance, leveraging substantial, substantive, action by states to address it remains problematic.
本文在最近的《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)缔约方大会(CoP26)背景下探讨性别平等问题。性别平等问题在全球气候变化治理中得到广泛认可,并在其中发挥着持续的作用。缔约方会议不是孤立运作的,其制度设置非常重要,特别是在《联合国气候变化框架公约》组成机构和政府间气候变化专门委员会(IPCC)的工作中。联合国的其他部门,例如妇女地位委员会(第66届妇女地位委员会)也可以对性别问题作出重要贡献;公民社会在气候治理的这一方面也发挥着至关重要的作用。这些因素以及它们之间的相互作用形成了第26次缔约方会议的性别问题,全球大流行病也是如此。虽然性别平等是全球气候治理中的一个热点问题,但各国采取实质性行动解决这一问题仍然存在问题。
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引用次数: 0
A just transition for essential workers? Workers and climate policy at and after COP 26 关键员工的公正过渡?第二十六届缔约方大会及其后的工作人员和气候政策
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2171346
Natalie Jones
ABSTRACT It is timely to investigate how essential workers may be incorporated into existing understandings of just transition, and whether and how such workers have been addressed in discussions on just transition under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). In so doing, one might better understand the relationship of essential workers to the achievement of the Paris goals, and assess entry points for making such connections explicit. Three approaches to the concept of just transition, drawn from a study conducted by Dimitris Stevis and Romain Felli, provide a useful reference point for how the concept of a just transition is understood by different actors. This paper extends the framework to consider how, under each of the three orientations, essential workers may be relevant to a just transition. The paper then applies the framework to the corpus of decisions, reports, declarations, and submissions that make up the written record of discussions on just transition taking place under the UNFCCC.
摘要现在是时候调查如何将必要的工人纳入现有的公正过渡理解中,以及在《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)下关于公正过渡的讨论中是否以及如何解决这些工人的问题了。通过这样做,人们可能会更好地理解关键工人与实现巴黎目标的关系,并评估明确这种联系的切入点。Dimitris Stevis和Romain Felli进行的一项研究得出了公正过渡概念的三种方法,为不同行为者如何理解公正过渡概念提供了有用的参考点。本文扩展了该框架,以考虑在三个方向中的每一个方向下,基本工人如何与公正过渡相关。然后,该文件将该框架应用于决定、报告、声明和提交的材料,这些材料构成了《联合国气候变化框架公约》下关于公正过渡的讨论的书面记录。
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引用次数: 0
The failures of COP26: using group psychology and dynamics to scale up the adoption of climate mitigation and adaptation measures COP26的失败之处:利用群体心理和动态来扩大气候减缓和适应措施的采用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2170957
Myriam Gicquello
ABSTRACT Despite mounting evidence of the devastating effects of climate change and repeated calls to scale up the mitigation and adaptation to climate change, states are still failing to adopt meaningful and concrete measures to meet the targets of the Paris Agreement. The outcomes of COP26, which resulted in the adoption of pledges deprived of concrete implementation mechanisms, constitute one illustration of such failures. Given the nature of climate change and the bounded rationality of individuals and groups, the article applies the psychology of group decision-making to shed light on such inaction. As time is running out, all tools should be mobilised to incentivise states to adopt concrete and significant measures, and psychology is one of them. The article first starts by addressing the challenges presented by climate change for decision-makers bounded in rationality. It then continues by considering group dynamics at play in national governments and their implications for climate governance both domestically and internationally.
尽管越来越多的证据表明气候变化的破坏性影响,并且不断呼吁加大减缓和适应气候变化的力度,但各国仍未能采取有意义和具体的措施来实现《巴黎协定》的目标。COP26的结果是通过了没有具体执行机制的承诺,这是这种失败的一个例证。考虑到气候变化的本质以及个人和群体的有限理性,本文运用群体决策的心理学来解释这种不作为。随着时间的流逝,应该动用所有工具来激励各国采取具体而重要的措施,心理学就是其中之一。本文首先阐述了气候变化给理性有限的决策者带来的挑战。然后,它继续考虑在国家政府中发挥作用的群体动力学及其对国内和国际气候治理的影响。
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引用次数: 2
After COP26: Appraising the transnational climate regime COP26之后:评估跨国气候机制
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2170758
P. Paiement, Emily Webster, Rosanna Anderson
As we write this introduction to the special issue on the United Nations (UN) Climate Change Conference of Parties (COP) 26 and transnational climate governance, another year has passed since the conference in Glasgow and COP27 negotiations have recently taken place in Sharm El Sheikh. It is impossible to reflect on the critical evaluations as well as limited areas of progress accounted for in the contributions without considering the state of COP as a governance method. The hosting of annual conferences for members of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is, like many modes of political and legal action in climate change, a story of many failures and few successes. The cyclical meeting structure was likely instrumental to the forging of the 2015 Paris Agreement, the first international agreement to establish a global normative imperative for limiting global warming to maximum two degrees Celsius, which has gone on to serve as the foundation for successful litigation compelling states and private actors to reduce emissions more rapidly. Yet, at the same time, the conferences more routinely result in shortcomings and agreements that postpone, rather than resolve, the fundamental political questions facing transnational climate governance. At the same, the conferences provide public and private actors, including both climate leaders and laggards, with generous publicity. The result, echoing Greta Thunberg’s evaluation of COP26, is a ‘celebration of business as usual and blah,
在我们撰写关于联合国气候变化缔约方大会(COP)26和跨国气候治理的特刊介绍时,距离格拉斯哥会议和最近在沙姆沙伊赫举行的COP27谈判又过去了一年。如果不将缔约方会议的状况视为一种治理方法,就不可能反思关键的评价以及贡献中所占的有限进展领域。为《联合国气候变化框架公约》(UNFCCC)成员国举办年度会议,就像气候变化方面的许多政治和法律行动模式一样,是一个多失败少成功的故事。周期性会议结构可能有助于2015年《巴黎协定》的制定,这是第一个为将全球变暖限制在最高2摄氏度的全球规范性要求制定的国际协定,该协定已成为迫使国家和私人行为者更快减排的成功诉讼的基础。然而,与此同时,这些会议往往会产生缺陷和协议,推迟而不是解决跨国气候治理面临的根本政治问题。与此同时,这些会议为包括气候领导者和落后者在内的公共和私人行为者提供了慷慨的宣传。这一结果呼应了格蕾塔·桑伯格对COP26的评价,是“对一切照旧的庆祝”等等,
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引用次数: 2
Market making for the planet: the Paris Agreement Article 6 decisions and transnational carbon markets* 为地球做市:《巴黎协定》第6条决定与跨国碳市场*
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2174690
Stephen Minas
ABSTRACT The inclusion of market approaches to inter-Party cooperation in Article 6 of the Paris Agreement was controversial among Parties. The Article 6 rules, which were among the last elements of the Paris rulebook to be agreed at the 2021 Glasgow conference, were keenly contested among Parties. This article analyses the significance of Article 6 and the related decisions from the Glasgow and Sharm el-Sheikh conferences for the governance of transnational carbon markets. It argues that these rules have the potential to anchor carbon markets in a normative framework of enhanced mitigation ambition and environmental integrity. However, realising this potential will depend on the recursive interactions of multiple actors and sites of norm production within and beyond UNFCCC processes. The theory of transnational legal orders (TLOs) is applied to the analysis of this situation. TLO theory also suggests key factors that will determine the salience of Article 6 to carbon markets.
《巴黎协定》第六条将市场方法纳入缔约方间合作在缔约方之间存在争议。第6条规则是将在2021年格拉斯哥会议上达成一致的巴黎规则手册的最后内容之一,在缔约方之间引发了激烈争议。本文分析了第6条以及格拉斯哥会议和沙姆沙伊赫会议的相关决定对跨国碳市场治理的意义。它认为,这些规则有可能将碳市场固定在一个增强缓解雄心和环境完整性的规范性框架中。然而,实现这一潜力将取决于《联合国气候变化框架公约》进程内外多个行为体和规范产生地点的递归相互作用。本文运用跨国法律秩序理论对这种情况进行了分析。TLO理论还提出了决定第6条对碳市场重要性的关键因素。
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引用次数: 1
Understanding human mobility in the global climate regime through a translocal lens 通过跨地区视角理解全球气候机制下的人类流动性
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2023.2171348
Ana Mosneaga, Carolien Jacobs
ABSTRACT This paper examines how a translocal approach could enrich conceptualisations of human mobility in the context of the current climate regime. Drawing on the concept of ‘translocal legalities’, it is argued that a socio-legal and translocal analysis could inform the existing analyses of climate-related mobility. Through the case of post-cyclone Idai relocations in Mozambique, it demonstrates the need to capture multi-faced and multi-level aspects of climate-related mobility. This involves different degrees of adaptation but also inevitable losses and damages that defy conventional categorisation into economic or non-economic. A translocal approach, which is empirically grounded in local realities, but also takes into account national and international level developments, can enable a more nuanced understanding of climate-related relocations. It provides insights into both the adaptation and loss and damage aspects in their full complexities and thereby brings about a more informed perspective on human mobility in the current climate regime.
摘要:本文探讨了在当前气候制度背景下,跨地区方法如何丰富人类流动性的概念化。根据“跨地方合法性”的概念,本文认为社会法律和跨地方分析可以为现有的气候相关流动性分析提供信息。通过莫桑比克伊代飓风后的重新安置案例,它表明需要捕捉与气候相关的流动性的多面和多层次方面。这包括不同程度的适应,但也包括不可避免的损失和损害,这些损失和损害无法被传统的经济或非经济分类。基于当地实际情况的跨地方方法,同时也考虑到国家和国际层面的发展,可以更细致地了解与气候相关的搬迁。它提供了对适应以及损失和损害方面的全面复杂性的见解,从而为当前气候制度下的人类流动性提供了更明智的观点。
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引用次数: 0
A just COP26 outcome for South Africa? 对南非来说,COP26的结果是公正的?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/20414005.2022.2160123
Melanie Murcott
ABSTRACT At COP26 several global North states as well as the European Union committed to mobilising funding for South Africa’s just energy transition to the tune of $8.5 billion. The commitment was made in a ‘Political Declaration on the Just Transition in South Africa’ by the governments of South Africa, the United Kingdom, the United States, France, and Germany, together with the European Union. In response, civil society actors within South Africa such as the Climate Justice Charter Movement, have expressed serious, well-founded concerns about the South African government’s willingness to end the country’s dependence on coal, oil, and gas. These actors raise questions about whether the funding will be used in a manner that advances climate justice for the global South. Centring the voices of climate justice activists, and adopting a climate justice lens, this commentary describes and evaluates the funding commitment made to South Africa at COP26 and then reflects on civil society’s concerns.
在COP26上,几个全球北方国家以及欧盟承诺为南非的能源转型筹集85亿美元的资金。这一承诺是由南非、英国、美国、法国和德国政府以及欧盟在“南非公正过渡政治宣言”中作出的。作为回应,南非的民间社会行动者,如气候正义宪章运动,对南非政府是否愿意结束该国对煤炭、石油和天然气的依赖表示了严重的、有根据的担忧。这些参与者提出了一个问题,即这些资金是否将用于促进全球南方国家气候正义的方式。本文以气候正义活动家的声音为中心,采用气候正义的视角,描述和评估了在COP26上对南非的资助承诺,然后反思了民间社会的担忧。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Transnational Legal Theory
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