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You can’t block me: When social media spaces are public forums 你不能阻止我:当社交媒体空间成为公共论坛时
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1742760
P. Morris, Susan H. Sarapin
ABSTRACT Since their inception, social media spaces such as Facebook and Twitter have been legally considered private spaces that are not subject to the protections of the First Amendment. Rightly so, for (as many forget) the First Amendment applies to government actors, action, and public spaces, and the Internet is not one of those. However, in 2018, the Knight v. Trump ruling in favor of plaintiffs extended First Amendment protections via the public forum doctrine to those seeking access to (but who have been blocked from) participating in discussions on President Trump’s Twitter account. Numerous other similar cases across the country have found that public officials who use social media to communicate with constituents have established a designated public forum. They therefore cannot choose who is allowed into that space and who is not by blocking (disallowing access for) some members of the public, because this constitutes viewpoint discrimination. This decision is important in bringing forum doctrine into the technological age, and it opens important spaces for democratic deliberation. This article explains the specific requirements for a social media space to be considered a public forum from Knight v. Trump, describes related cases that are using it as a precedent, and explores the implications and unresolved issues related to this case.
自成立以来,Facebook和Twitter等社交媒体空间在法律上一直被视为不受美国宪法第一修正案保护的私人空间。这是正确的,因为(正如许多人忘记的)第一修正案适用于政府行为者、行动和公共空间,而互联网不在其中。然而,在2018年,奈特诉特朗普案的裁决有利于原告,通过公共论坛原则将第一修正案的保护扩展到那些寻求(但被阻止)参与特朗普总统推特账户讨论的人。全国各地还有许多类似的案例发现,使用社交媒体与选民沟通的公职人员建立了一个指定的公共论坛。因此,他们不能通过阻止(不允许)一些公众成员进入这个空间来选择谁可以进入这个空间,因为这构成了观点歧视。这一决定对于将论坛原则带入技术时代具有重要意义,它为民主审议开辟了重要空间。本文解释了奈特诉特朗普案中社交媒体空间被视为公共论坛的具体要求,描述了将其作为先例的相关案例,并探讨了与此案相关的影响和未解决的问题。
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引用次数: 2
Hannah Arendt’s machines: Re-Evaluating marketplace theory in the AI era 汉娜·阿伦特的机器:人工智能时代的市场理论再评价
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1743196
Jared Schroeder
ABSTRACT Artificially intelligent communicators are increasingly influencing human discourse. Algorithms and bots are determining the range and frequency of ideas individuals encounter, ultimately raising questions about whether the marketplace of ideas theory of the First Amendment, as it has traditionally been envisioned by the Supreme Court, can continue to endure as justices’ dominant tool for rationalizing extensive safeguards for free expression. In particular, the emergence of AI actors, which drown out human ideas and spread false and misleading information, appear to only worsen the long-standing criticisms of the theory’s assumptions. This article draws from Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy to construct a revised approach to marketplace theory as it enters its second century of use by the Supreme Court. Arendt’s ideas, especially as they pertain to the power of human-made machines to condition human behavior, as well as her concerns regarding community, truth, and the dichotomy between animal laborans and homo faber, are uniquely suited, as well as relatively under considered, when it comes to revising the marketplace approach.
人工智能的传播者正在日益影响人类话语。算法和机器人正在决定个人遇到的想法的范围和频率,最终引发了一个问题,即最高法院传统上设想的第一修正案的思想市场理论能否继续作为法官合理化广泛言论自由保障的主导工具。特别是,人工智能行动者的出现,淹没了人类的想法,传播了虚假和误导性的信息,似乎只会加剧对该理论假设的长期批评。本文借鉴汉娜·阿伦特的政治哲学,在最高法院使用市场理论进入第二个世纪之际,构建了一种修正的市场理论方法。阿伦特的思想,特别是关于人类制造的机器调节人类行为的力量,以及她对社区、真理以及动物实验室和人类制造者之间的二分法的关注,在修改市场方法时是独特的,而且考虑相对不足。
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引用次数: 0
First amendment studies in Arkansas 阿肯色州的第一修正案研究
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1621447
Alvin J. Primack
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引用次数: 0
The dynamic free speech clause: Free speech and its relation to other constitutional rights 动态言论自由条款:言论自由及其与其他宪法权利的关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-19 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1621446
Omar Swartz
As suggested by this book, the First Amendment has been a “victim” of its own success. Written by a leading First Amendment scholar, it provides the analytical tools for making sense of this sentiment and for understanding, why, as free speech rights expanded in the last 15 years, the total realm of liberty has been contracting in this country. For instance, Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association (2011), Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores (2014), Citizens United v. FEC (2010), Janus v. AFSCME (2018), and Reed v. Town of Gilbert (2015) were all major First Amendment “victories” that were counter-intuitive under traditional First Amendment rationales that liberals have long championed. More such “victories” are likely to occur in the future, portending setbacks for women’s rights, gay rights, and environmental justice – as feared by progressive jurists, people who long championed the First Amendment to achieve the aims of social justice. As a nation, we romanticize the First Amendment while being ignorant of it. As Zick points out, the First Amendment has a magmatism or gravity that redefines other legal and cultural interests in its image. Hence, the press, litigants, courts, the media, and scholars tend to approach constitutional rights as isolated concepts grounded in heroic figures, with First Amendment heroes being the most towering. This makes it difficult to appreciate that rights do not exist in isolation, nor are they static or hierarchical (i.e., no constitutional right has preference over another; the role of courts is to find ways to balance the different interests involved in a specific case). The problem, according to Zick, is a reading of the First Amendment that collapses its five parts into one generic “freedom of speech” sentiment, which loses the “relational dimensions” of rights generally to capitalize upon their synergies with each other. Other clauses and amendments are weakened by zealous protection of “free speech” against other equally important non-speech interests. To remedy this, Zick champions a “Rights Pluralism” grounded in a “Rights Dynamism,” which emphasizes interactions that construct their meanings, creating jurisprudential and rhetorical opportunity on both the left and the right to promote their interests:
正如本书所言,第一修正案一直是其自身成功的“受害者”。本书由一位著名的《第一修正案》学者撰写,为理解这种情绪提供了分析工具,并有助于理解,为什么在过去15年里,随着言论自由权利的扩大,这个国家的整体自由领域一直在缩小。例如,布朗诉娱乐商人协会案(2011年)、伯韦尔诉Hobby Lobby Stores案(2014年)、公民联合诉FEC案(2010年)、Janus诉AFSCME案(2018年)和里德诉吉尔伯特镇案(2015年)都是第一修正案的重大“胜利”,这些胜利在自由主义者长期拥护的传统第一修正案的基本原理下是违反直觉的。未来可能会出现更多这样的“胜利”,预示着妇女权利、同性恋权利和环境正义的挫折——正如那些长期拥护《第一修正案》以实现社会正义目标的进步法学家所担心的那样。作为一个国家,我们把第一修正案浪漫化了,却对它一无所知。正如齐克所指出的那样,第一修正案具有一种岩浆作用或引力,它以自己的形象重新定义了其他法律和文化利益。因此,新闻界、诉讼当事人、法院、媒体和学者倾向于将宪法权利视为基于英雄人物的孤立概念,第一修正案的英雄是最杰出的。这使得人们难以认识到,权利不是孤立存在的,也不是静态的或分层的(即,没有任何宪法权利优先于其他权利;法院的作用是找到平衡特定案件中涉及的不同利益的方法。齐克认为,问题在于对《第一修正案》的解读将其五个部分分解为一个笼统的“言论自由”情感,从而失去了权利的“关系维度”,而这些权利通常是为了利用它们之间的协同作用。对“言论自由”的狂热保护削弱了其他条款和修正案对其他同等重要的非言论利益的影响。为了解决这个问题,齐克倡导一种基于“权利动力”的“权利多元主义”,强调构建其意义的相互作用,为左派和右派创造法理和修辞上的机会,以促进他们的利益:
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引用次数: 0
Racism and hate speech – A critique of Scanlon’s Contractual Theory 种族主义与仇恨言论——对斯坎伦契约理论的批判
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-21 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1601579
R. Cohen-Almagor
ABSTRACT The First Amendment is an important value in American liberal polity. Under this value, racism, hate speech and offensive speech are protected speech. This article scrutinizes one of the clear representatives of the American liberal polity – Thomas Scanlon. The paper tracks the developments in his theory over the years. It is argued that Scanlon’s arguments downplay tangible harm that speech might inflict on its target victim audience. Scanlon’s distinction between participant interests, audience interests, and the interests of bystanders is put under close scrutiny. The article criticizes viewpoint neutrality and suggests a balancing approach, further arguing that democracy is required to develop protective mechanisms against harm-facilitating speech as well as profound offences. Both should be taken most seriously.
摘要第一修正案是美国自由主义政治的重要价值观。在这种价值观下,种族主义、仇恨言论和攻击性言论都是受保护的言论。这篇文章审视了美国自由主义政治的一位明显代表——托马斯·斯坎伦。这篇论文追踪了他多年来理论的发展。有人认为,Scanlon的论点淡化了言论可能对目标受害者造成的实际伤害。斯坎伦对参与者利益、观众利益和旁观者利益的区分受到了密切关注。文章批评了观点中立性,并提出了一种平衡的方法,进一步认为民主是建立保护机制的必要条件,以防止助长伤害的言论和严重的犯罪。两者都应该得到最认真的对待。
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引用次数: 7
Wedding cakes, equality, and rhetorics of religious freedom 婚礼蛋糕,平等,宗教自由的修辞
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-20 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1604246
Isaac West
ABSTRACT Wedding cakes are a site of vigorous debate about the meaning and scope of religious freedom. Unfortunately, when we privilege religious freedom as a frame for understanding these controversies we do so at the expense of a fuller commitment to equality. In an analysis of three conservative news sources as well as three sites of discourse, small business, religious freedom, and wedding cakes, this essay explores how and why particular assertions of religious freedom inform the sense that religious freedom should be favored over the full and fair application of state and federal equality laws.
婚礼蛋糕是一个关于宗教自由的含义和范围的激烈争论的场所。不幸的是,当我们把宗教自由作为理解这些争议的框架时,我们这样做是以牺牲对平等的更充分承诺为代价的。在分析三个保守派新闻来源以及三个话语场所、小企业、宗教自由和婚礼蛋糕时,本文探讨了宗教自由的特定主张如何以及为什么会让人产生这样一种感觉,即宗教自由应该优先于州和联邦平等法的充分和公平适用。
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引用次数: 2
Reimagining the First Amendment: The Assembly Clause as a substantive right 重新构想第一修正案:议会条款作为一项实质性权利
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-20 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1601580
Kevin McGravey
ABSTRACT The right to protest is central to democratic participation. This essay suggests that recent attempts to use the right to assemble as a doctrinal hook to better protect protest are correct but incomplete. Such attempts rightly suggest that the Court’s current approach through free speech inadequately protects protest directed at public officials. But this essay argues that such accounts and the Court’s jurisprudence also inadequately protect citizens’ privacy in public spaces. By looking at current cases, history and theory it proposes an alternative account of assembly that better protects participation and the equality necessary to make participation effective.
抗议权是民主参与的核心。这篇文章表明,最近试图利用集会权作为更好地保护抗议的理论挂钩是正确的,但不完整。这些尝试正确地表明,法院目前通过言论自由采取的做法没有充分保护针对公职人员的抗议。但本文认为,这种说法和法院的判例也没有充分保护公民在公共场所的隐私。通过审视当前的案例、历史和理论,它提出了一种对集会的替代解释,更好地保护参与和使参与有效所必需的平等。
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引用次数: 0
Sweet baby Jesus, the band who must not be named, and friends U can’t trust: Disparaging, immoral and scandalous trademarks in the United States and the European Union 亲爱的宝贝耶稣,这个不能透露姓名的乐队,以及你不能信任的朋友:在美国和欧盟,这些商标令人反感、不道德和可耻
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-20 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1601578
J. Dee
ABSTRACT This article will compare the ways in which the European Union’s Office of Intellectual Property (EUIPO) and the US Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) have interpreted and applied their respective trademark laws, sometimes reaching opposite conclusions. Whereas EUIPO may not register trademarks considered to be “contrary to public policy and accepted principles of morality,” the US Supreme Court has struck down as unconstitutional a Lanham Act provision that had prohibited trademarks that were “disparaging,” and the US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit has struck down a Lanham Act provision that had prohibited trademarks that were “immoral” or scandalous.” After analyzing the legal arguments in trademark litigation in both Europe and the United States, this article concludes that the US Supreme Court should affirm the Federal Circuit’s decision in In re Brunetti because it is more efficient to “allow the marketplace to decide” rather than place the onus of keeping up with changes in cultural values on PTO examiners. This article assumes that the European Union will continue in its efforts to prevent registration of trademarks containing hate speech or racial slurs.
摘要本文将比较欧盟知识产权局(EUIPO)和美国专利商标局(PTO)对各自商标法的解释和适用方式,有时会得出相反的结论。尽管EUIPO可能不会注册被认为“违反公共政策和公认的道德原则”的商标,但美国最高法院已将《兰厄姆法案》中禁止“贬损”商标的条款视为违宪,美国联邦巡回上诉法院已将兰厄姆法中禁止“不道德的”或可耻的在分析了欧洲和美国商标诉讼中的法律论据后,本文得出结论,美国最高法院应该确认联邦巡回法院在in re Brunetti案中的裁决,因为“让市场来决定”比将跟上文化价值观变化的责任交给PTO审查员更有效。本文假设欧盟将继续努力阻止含有仇恨言论或种族诽谤的商标注册。
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引用次数: 1
The ideological significance of “institutional neutrality” mandates in state-level campus speech legislation 国家级校园言论立法中“制度中立”授权的思想意义
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-20 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2019.1601581
Ben Medeiros
ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the “institutional neutrality” provisions commonly included in recent state-level “campus free speech” legislation. I argue that their normative promotion of “neutrality” in fact reinforces ideologies of colorblindness, neoliberal individualism, and corporate hegemony. To perform the analysis, I examine the text of the bills and the intellectual lineage from which they descend in conjunction with statements by their proponents and allies in the campus speech debates. The theoretical significance of this analysis thus lies in further interrogating how the norms of the liberal free-speech tradition are imbued with ideological meaning. Relatedly, the article shows that the logic of older critiques regarding media industry concentration and the laissez-faire “marketplace” framework can also be applied to calls for educational institutions to strive for “neutrality.”
摘要本文主要研究近年来国家级“校园言论自由”立法中普遍包含的“机构中立”条款。我认为,他们对“中立”的规范性宣传实际上强化了无视肤色、新自由主义个人主义和企业霸权的意识形态。为了进行分析,我研究了法案的文本和它们的知识分子血统,并结合了它们的支持者和盟友在校园演讲辩论中的陈述。因此,这一分析的理论意义在于进一步探究自由言论自由传统的规范是如何被灌输意识形态意义的。与此相关的是,这篇文章表明,对媒体行业集中和自由放任的“市场”框架的旧批评的逻辑也可以适用于呼吁教育机构争取“中立”。
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引用次数: 4
Teaching free speech across the communication studies curriculum 在传播学课程中教授言论自由
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2018.1500930
David R. Dewberry, Ann E. Burnette, Rebekah L. Fox, Pat Arneson
ABSTRACT While we applaud the efforts of those instructors who teach classes in free speech, we recognize that as a discipline we are often missing important opportunities to teach students about free speech in a variety of other communication studies courses. Our discipline and our democracy rest on the tenets of free speech, and our classrooms should reflect its importance. In this essay, we outline how topics in free speech can be integrated into four different types of classes in the communication curriculum that do not focus solely on the First Amendment.
摘要尽管我们赞扬了那些教授言论自由课程的教师所做的努力,但我们也认识到,作为一门学科,我们经常错过在其他各种传播研究课程中教授学生言论自由的重要机会。我们的纪律和民主建立在言论自由的原则之上,我们的课堂应该反映其重要性。在这篇文章中,我们概述了如何将言论自由主题整合到传播课程中的四种不同类型的课程中,而不仅仅关注第一修正案。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
First Amendment Studies
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