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Clear and present danger standard 100th anniversary: Examining Donald J. Trump’s “presidential” rhetoric as a clear and present danger 明确而现实的危险标准100周年纪念:将唐纳德·j·特朗普的“总统”言论视为明确而现实的危险
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2021.1886967
E. Brewer, Chrys Egan
ABSTRACT For the past 100 years, the Supreme Court ruling in the case of Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, from 1919 has stood as a landmark case due to the Court’s creation of a “Clear and Present Danger” standard of freedom of speech. Through the vehicle of the Clear and Present Danger measure, the Court reconsidered that the degree of freedom for inflammatory rhetoric could be legally permissible until the point that realistic danger of harm or illegal action might occur. One century after this ruling, this paper examines the unprecedentedly divisive and uncivil public rhetoric of a US President, Donald J. Trump. Through a descriptive analysis summarizing the characteristics of President Trump’s rhetoric, we contend that Trump generates a level of dangerous Presidential communication not publicly expressed by previous Presidents that arguably could be considered to overstep the limits of free expression set forth by the courts.
摘要在过去的100年里,最高法院对1919年的申克诉美国案(《美国联邦判例汇编》第249卷第47页)的裁决一直是一个里程碑式的案件,因为最高法院制定了言论自由的“明显和当前的危险”标准。通过“明显和当前的危险”措施,法院重新考虑,在可能发生伤害或非法行动的现实危险之前,煽动性言论的自由度在法律上是允许的。在这一裁决一个世纪后,本文审视了美国总统唐纳德·J·特朗普前所未有的分裂和不文明的公开言论。通过总结特朗普总统言论特征的描述性分析,我们认为,特朗普产生了一种前几任总统没有公开表达的危险的总统沟通,可以说这种沟通可以被认为超越了法院规定的言论自由的限制。
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引用次数: 2
The neo-colonized entity: Examining the ongoing significance of colonialism on free speech in Singapore 新殖民主义实体:考察殖民主义对新加坡言论自由的持续意义
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837650
Sangeetha Thanapal
ABSTRACT This paper examines the use of colonial era laws to restrict free speech in Singapore, along with more recent laws that are meant to stifle criticism of the state. It draws a link between current statutes and colonial laws, showing that two of the fundamental decrees restricting free speech in Singapore originated from British colonialism. It concludes by pointing out that free speech does exist in Singapore in some respects, in that it remains the sole purview of the state which exercises free speech liberally but uses the Singaporean justice system to deny the same for its citizens.
摘要本文考察了新加坡殖民时代限制言论自由的法律,以及旨在压制对国家批评的最新法律。它将现行法规与殖民地法律联系起来,表明新加坡限制言论自由的两项基本法令源于英国殖民主义。报告最后指出,新加坡在某些方面确实存在言论自由,因为言论自由仍然是国家的唯一权限,国家自由行使言论自由,但利用新加坡司法系统否认其公民享有言论自由。
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引用次数: 0
African Americans and the First Amendment: The case for liberty and equality 非裔美国人与第一修正案:自由与平等的理由
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1838844
Christiaan Pipion
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引用次数: 0
“This is us”: Free speech embedded in whiteness, racism and coloniality in Aotearoa, New Zealand “这就是我们”:新西兰奥特亚白人、种族主义和殖民主义中的言论自由
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837654
C. Elers, P. Jayan
ABSTRACT Whiteness as an ideology is the default norm constituting the infrastructures of New Zealand’s polity. Built with the master’s tool of racism, the mechanics of free speech in Aotearoa, New Zealand is embedded in whiteness that holds fast to liberal expressions of free speech, while dehumanising and denigrating indigenous and minority coloured realities. New Zealand’s ambivalence towards legislative acknowledgement that Māori tribal nations did not cede sovereignty to a foreign land as confirmed in te- Tiriti o Waitangi, is an epic human rights violation that is the precursor to a litany of human rights violations upon Māori and minority groups that followed. Freedom of speech discourse has been utilised as an impenetrable shield to justify threatening, offensive and abusive attacks – both psychologically and physically upon indigenous and minority groups. Massey University’s pursuit of a te-Tiriti led university actioned the cancelling of a known public speaker that negatively targets and stereotypes Māori, leading to national outrage at the perceived denial of the right to freedom of speech. The effects of racist and dehumanising speech upon targeted groups was again missing from public discourse. We attempt to illuminate the marginalised realities of indigenous and minority groups on the flipside of free speech discourse.
白人作为一种意识形态是构成新西兰政治基础设施的默认规范。新西兰奥特亚罗阿的言论自由机制是用种族主义大师的工具建立起来的,它植根于白人,坚持言论自由的自由表达,同时对土著和少数族裔的现实进行非人化和诋毁。新西兰对立法承认毛利人部落国家没有将主权割让给外国土地持矛盾态度,这是一次史诗般的侵犯人权行为,是随后对毛利人和少数群体一连串侵犯人权行为的前兆。言论自由话语被用作一个不可逾越的盾牌,为对土著和少数群体的威胁、攻击和辱骂性攻击辩护——无论是心理上还是身体上。梅西大学追求一所由提里提大学领导的大学,取消了一位以毛利人为负面目标和刻板印象的知名演说家,导致全国对言论自由权被剥夺的愤怒。种族主义和非人性化言论对目标群体的影响再次从公共话语中消失。我们试图从言论自由的另一方面阐明土著和少数群体的边缘化现实。
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引用次数: 3
Problems with a statement 语句的问题
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837653
Amardo Rodriguez
ABSTRACT In this paper, I look critically at a recent statement put out by NCA’s Executive Committee on hate speech. Rather than promoting diversity and civility, I contend that this statement distorts and diminishes our understanding of communication, ultimately impeding the rise of new diversities and possibilities.
摘要在本文中,我批判性地审视了NCA执行委员会最近发表的一份关于仇恨言论的声明。我认为,这种说法非但没有促进多样性和文明,反而扭曲和削弱了我们对沟通的理解,最终阻碍了新的多样性和可能性的兴起。
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引用次数: 1
Hate speech as a structural phenomenon 仇恨言论是一种结构性现象
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837649
C. Carlson
ABSTRACT Hate speech is more than just expression used to malign people based on their fixed identity characteristics. It is a tool deployed by those with various forms of power to maintain their social, political, or economic dominance. It puts its victims in a subordinate position, which makes equality all but impossible. Therefore, we must reconsider the near absolute protection afforded to hate speech under the First Amendment. Americans should utilize existing civil legal remedies to combat hate speech, which only serves to maintain systems of oppression such as white supremacy, gender inequity, and heteronormativity. By opening the door to civil penalties against the subordination caused by hate speech, we pave the way for those seeking equality to achieve it.
仇恨言论不仅仅是基于人们固定的身份特征来诋毁他人的表达方式。它是那些拥有各种形式权力的人用来维持其社会、政治或经济主导地位的工具。它将受害者置于从属地位,这使得平等几乎不可能实现。因此,我们必须重新考虑第一修正案对仇恨言论提供的近乎绝对的保护。美国人应该利用现有的民事法律补救措施来打击仇恨言论,因为仇恨言论只会维持白人至上、性别不平等和异性恋等压迫制度。通过对仇恨言论造成的从属地位进行民事处罚,我们为那些寻求平等的人实现平等铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 3
Free speech and loss in white nationalist rhetoric 言论自由和白人民族主义言论的丧失
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837652
E. Chebrolu
ABSTRACT This article analyses how anti-blackness structures the desire for free speech within white nationalist ideology. The essay traces the linkages between the rhetoric of a mission statement for a white nationalist webzine edited by a professor of psychology and that professor’s published academic work on ethnic identity. The central argument of the essay is that taken together, these texts construct an antisemitic fantasy of a crisis in free speech, in which free speech is an object of desire because of its promise to recuperate a loss rendered unto the white nation, anchored by an attachment to the anti-black bio-evolutionary origin myth of humanness.
本文分析了反黑人是如何在白人民族主义意识形态中构建对言论自由的渴望的。这篇文章追溯了一位心理学教授为一本白人民族主义网络杂志编辑的使命宣言的修辞与这位教授发表的关于种族认同的学术著作之间的联系。这篇文章的中心论点是,综合起来,这些文本构建了一个关于言论自由危机的反犹太主义幻想,在这个幻想中,言论自由是一个欲望的对象,因为它承诺弥补白人国家所遭受的损失,锚定在对反黑人的生物进化起源神话的依恋上。
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引用次数: 1
Stifled by freedom of expression: The “Statue of a Girl of Peace” and the legacy of colonialism and historical revisionism in Japan 被言论自由扼杀:“和平少女像”与日本殖民主义和历史修正主义的遗产
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837651
Soo-Hye Han
ABSTRACT This essay provides a closer look at the controversy over the shutdown of an art exhibit titled “After ‘Freedom of Expression?’” at the 2019 Aichi Triennale in Japan. While heated debates over freedom of expression ensued following its closure, larger structural issues underpinning the incident and the “Statue of a Girl of Peace,” an artwork symbolizing the victims of sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese military, were left unexamined by the media and the public. This paper takes issue with such absence and explicates how debates over free speech that fails to address colonial legacy, historical revisionism, and obstinate racism can sustain the suppression of the marginalized. This paper considers hypocritical deployment of free speech arguments that perpetuates the subjugation of racial minorities in Japan and concludes with a call for transnational coalitions to combat a growing tide of nationalism, historical revisionism, and misogyny in Japan and beyond.
这篇文章对一场名为“在言论自由之后?”的艺术展被关闭引发的争议进行了更深入的探讨。在2019年日本爱知三年展上。虽然关闭后围绕言论自由展开了激烈的争论,但围绕该事件的更大的结构性问题,以及象征日本帝国军慰安妇受害者的艺术品“和平少女像”,却没有受到媒体和公众的关注。本文对这种缺失提出了质疑,并解释了关于言论自由的辩论如何未能解决殖民遗产、历史修正主义和顽固的种族主义问题,从而维持对边缘群体的压制。本文认为,言论自由的论点是虚伪的,它使日本对少数民族的征服得以延续,并呼吁跨国联盟来对抗日本及其他地区日益高涨的民族主义、历史修正主义和厌女症。
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引用次数: 0
Free Speech v. Free Blacks: Racist policing and calls to harm 言论自由诉自由黑人:种族主义警察和伤害呼吁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1837655
A. Hill
ABSTRACT In 2018, mobile phone videos went viral of white people calling police to report Black people for engaging in innocuous conduct. Dubbed “white caller crime” by some commentators, mainstream and social media afforded serious and satiric attention to racist harassment via police calls. In this article, I analyze these police calls as a form of racist expression that operates as a call to harm. I begin by recounting three calls that went viral in consecutive months in 2018. I then theorize how the calls play out white supremacist and colonial logics of race and place, and I explore how viral publicity provides a viable strategy of resistance to racist expression. I close by contending that publicity, and the responses it has inspired, holds more promise for contesting racist police calls than a predictable turn to law and punishment under a hate speech framework.
2018年,一段白人报警举报黑人无伤大雅行为的手机视频在网上疯传。主流媒体和社交媒体被一些评论员称为“白人打电话犯罪”,对通过警察电话进行的种族主义骚扰给予了严肃和讽刺的关注。在这篇文章中,我分析了这些警察电话作为一种种族主义表达形式,作为一种伤害的呼吁。首先,我将讲述2018年连续几个月里疯传的三个电话。然后,我将这些呼吁如何发挥白人至上主义者和种族和地方的殖民逻辑的理论,并探索病毒式宣传如何提供抵抗种族主义表达的可行策略。最后,我认为,这种宣传及其引发的反响,更有可能引发对种族主义警察举报的质疑,而不是在仇恨言论框架下诉诸法律和惩罚。
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引用次数: 4
On the evolution and definition of ‘First Amendment studies’: Do we all engage in First Amendment studies? 关于“第一修正案研究”的演变和定义:我们都从事第一修正案研究吗?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/21689725.2020.1838842
Kevin A. Johnson
When I began my academic study of the First Amendment about 20 years ago, the topics seemed pretty straightforward. The journal was then named Free Speech Yearbook, and took on some of the most conventional First Amendment issues. The early essays of the journal were written by scholars like Franklyn Haiman and Robert O’Neill and included topics like reviewing the year’s legal rulings in the courts about free speech, the practice of free speech on college campuses, bibliographies of First Amendment research, and what I would consider to be core First Amendment issues like censorship in the broadcasting medium, political protests including controversies like flag burning, and the examination of specific jurists on First Amendment issues. Over time, we have seen the nature of First Amendment studies proliferate as more and more subject areas that were not traditionally associated with the First Amendment have become First Amendment issues. This has also meant that scholars who may have never thought about themselves as First Amendment scholars are now finding themselves studying the First Amendment. For example, scholars that are interested in the study of agriculture may have never envisioned themselves becoming First Amendment scholars in cases about food libel. Gun rights scholars may not have envisioned themselves being First Amendment scholars in the study of cases involving the freedom to print and share 3D blueprints of guns. Technology experts may never have envisioned themselves making arguments about the extent to which First Amendment rights apply to artificial intelligence (like Amazon’s Alexa), or of the advancement of deep fakes. Scientists may not have envisioned themselves studying the First Amendment freedom to experiment with human cloning (i.e., the experiment as the expression of the idea of cloning). The list goes on and on. Scholars in these different areas are increasingly finding themselves bumping into First Amendment considerations. I think it is conceivable that, if we are not already, all of us will study the First Amendment in at least some small way at some point in our academic careers. Therefore, it has become increasingly important for the First Amendment Studies journal to serve as a place to centrally converse about the nature and scope of First Amendment issues in our evolving landscape. As Editor, I find it noteworthy to highlight two important features of the journal. Each of these features, I believe, will provide a clear way of addressing the evolution of First Amendment Studies in order to continue studying the core First Amendment areas found in the history of the journal, while also
大约20年前,当我开始对《第一修正案》进行学术研究时,这些主题似乎相当直截了当。该杂志当时被命名为《言论自由年鉴》,并讨论了一些最传统的第一修正案问题。该杂志早期的文章是由富兰克林·海曼和罗伯特·奥尼尔等学者撰写的,内容包括回顾当年法院关于言论自由的法律裁决,大学校园中言论自由的实践,第一修正案研究的参考文献,以及我认为的第一修正案的核心问题,如广播媒体的审查制度,政治抗议活动,包括焚烧国旗等争议,以及针对第一修正案问题对特定法学家的审查。随着时间的推移,我们看到第一修正案研究的性质激增,越来越多传统上与第一修正案无关的学科领域成为第一修正案问题。这也意味着,那些可能从未认为自己是第一修正案学者的学者,现在发现自己正在研究第一修正案。例如,对农业研究感兴趣的学者可能从未想过自己会成为研究食品诽谤案件的第一修正案学者。枪支权利学者可能没有想到自己会成为第一修正案学者,研究涉及打印和分享枪支3D蓝图自由的案件。技术专家可能从来没有想过自己会争论第一修正案的权利在多大程度上适用于人工智能(比如亚马逊的Alexa),或者深度造假的发展。科学家们可能没有想到自己会研究第一修正案关于克隆人实验的自由(也就是说,实验是克隆思想的表达)。这样的例子不胜枚举。这些不同领域的学者越来越多地发现自己碰到了第一修正案的问题。我认为可以想象的是,如果我们还没有,我们所有人都将在我们学术生涯的某个时候,至少以某种小的方式研究第一修正案。因此,对于《第一修正案研究》杂志来说,在我们不断发展的环境中,作为一个集中讨论第一修正案问题的性质和范围的地方变得越来越重要。作为编辑,我认为有必要强调该期刊的两个重要特征。我相信,这些特征中的每一个都将为解决第一修正案研究的演变提供一种清晰的方式,以便继续研究该期刊历史上发现的核心第一修正案领域,同时也
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引用次数: 0
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First Amendment Studies
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