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IX. NATO's Nuclear Posture and Arms Control 9北约的核态势和军备控制
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2019.1731217
Corentin Brustlein
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引用次数: 0
III. NATO as a Partner III、 北约作为合作伙伴
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2019.1731208
Malcolm Chalmers
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: An Alliance for the 21st Century 引言:面向21世纪的联盟
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2019.1731205
J. Olsen
NATO is the most successful political and military alliance in recent history. It remains the single most important contributor to security, stability and peace in Europe and North America. It is v...
北约是近代历史上最成功的政治和军事联盟。它仍然是欧洲和北美安全、稳定与和平的唯一最重要的贡献者。它是v…
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引用次数: 1
V. NATO’s China Challenge 五、北约对中国的挑战
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2019.1731211
J. Oertel
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引用次数: 1
X. The Need for the Alliance to Adapt Further 十、联盟需要进一步适应
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2019.1731219
Heinrich Brauss
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引用次数: 1
About the Editor 关于编辑器
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-30 DOI: 10.1515/9783110481204-202
Krystyna Kujawińska Courtney
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引用次数: 0
I. The Context: Home-Grown Problems and Adversary Innovations 1 .背景:本土问题和对手创新
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2018.1696576
Aside from the US, NATO’s air forces have suffered a considerable decline in their ability to conduct sustained combat operations against a near-peer or peer state opponent since the end of the Cold War. Badly delayed modernisation plans, inadequate weapons stockpiles, inflexible C2 arrangements, reduced fleet sizes, and pilots highly experienced in dropping munitions on insurgent groups but lacking the intense training required for proficient operations in highly contested airspace are problems that affect all Alliance members. NATO efforts to reverse these trends, such as the so-called ‘Four Thirties’ force generation and readiness plans, still sit largely in the realm of political statements of intent rather than concrete programmes to generate increased military power. Increased readiness levels, while necessary, are also not a solution in and of themselves to the gulf in combat capability and enablers between the US and other member states. While Russia has also seen a significant decline from over 2,650 to around 1,250 modern combat aircraft compared to the Soviet Union, its greater reliance on a mixture of heavy ground forces and modern ground-based air defence systems in large numbers renders it less dependent on large-scale airpower than NATO. Almost three decades of discretionary, limited wars against sub-peer threat states and long counterinsurgency campaigns since 1991 have served to demonstrate many of the inherent strengths of airpower,
除美国外,自冷战结束以来,北约空军对实力接近或势均力敌的对手进行持续作战的能力也大幅下降。严重推迟的现代化计划、武器储备不足、缺乏灵活的C2安排、缩小的机队规模,以及飞行员在向叛乱组织投掷弹药方面经验丰富,但缺乏在高度竞争的空域进行熟练操作所需的高强度训练,这些问题影响着所有联盟成员。北约为扭转这些趋势所做的努力,比如所谓的“四个三十年代”的力量生成和战备计划,在很大程度上仍然停留在政治意图声明的领域,而不是增强军事力量的具体计划。提高战备水平虽然是必要的,但本身并不能解决美国和其他成员国之间在作战能力和促成因素方面的鸿沟。虽然与苏联相比,俄罗斯的现代作战飞机也从2650多架大幅下降到1250架左右,但它对重型地面部队和现代地面防空系统的依赖程度更高,这使得它对大规模空中力量的依赖程度低于北约。近三十年来针对次级威胁国家的自由裁量、有限的战争,以及自1991年以来的长期反叛乱运动,已经证明了空中力量的许多内在优势,
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引用次数: 0
III. The Medium Powers: Europe’s Leading Air Forces 3中等强国:欧洲领先的空军
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2018.1696578
The 28 non-US NATO members collectively possess well over 1,000 fast jet aircraft and as such represent a potentially highly potent part of the Alliance’s airpower. However, a significant number of smaller member states do not possess combat aircraft, while the majority operate comparatively small fleets of between 40 and 60 aircraft and few enablers. Most of the non-US airpower in the Alliance is fielded by a few large European states, including the UK, France, Italy, Germany and Spain.
28个非美国的北约成员国总共拥有1000多架快速喷气式飞机,因此代表了联盟空中力量的潜在高度强大的一部分。然而,相当多的较小的成员国不拥有作战飞机,而大多数国家的机队规模相对较小,只有40到60架飞机,而且很少有辅助设备。北约中除美国以外的大部分空中力量由少数几个欧洲大国部署,包括英国、法国、意大利、德国和西班牙。
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引用次数: 0
Conclusion: Challenges and Opportunities 结论:挑战与机遇
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2018.1696580
B. V. Ginkel
In the airpower domain, NATO faces a looming challenge but one which is also a potential opportunity if understood and adequately planned for. Put simply, the US is gearing up to leave the rest of the Alliance behind in capability terms, as it has done in previous generational shifts, but this time with a different primary mission focus from other NATO member states. This is for two main reasons. First, that there is a growing awareness in the US Air Force and in other branches of the US military that even with its unmatched defence budget, the country cannot afford to continue trying to maintain a dominant military position over China and Russia in their own immediate neighbourhoods by pursuing incremental upgrades to existing capabilities. Long-range SAM systems, ever-improving radar and other sensor technologies and long-range anti-enabler missile systems are much cheaper for China in particular to produce than for the US to counter. Decades of airpower overmatch, which has become essential for the way NATO plans for operations, are being steadily eroded by rival powers and in terms of China, the picture will only get worse in the coming decades. China and Russia have studied the US dependence on tankers, big-wing ISR and tactical fighters in its conduct of warfare from the air and have found cost-effective ways to impose unacceptable risks to that family of capabilities. The second, and linked, reason for the US shift in capability is the new focus on China rather than Russia as the US military’s primary long-term peer threat. The demands of the Pacific theatre and the distances to which China as a potential air and maritime challenger can increasingly project (or create) contested and highly contested airspace call for new and different approaches to warfighting than has been the case in relation to Russia in
在空中力量领域,北约面临着迫在眉睫的挑战,但如果理解和充分规划,这也是一个潜在的机会。简而言之,美国正准备在能力方面将北约其他国家甩在后面,就像它在前几代人的转变中所做的那样,但这一次,美国的主要任务重点与其他北约成员国不同。这主要有两个原因。首先,美国空军和其他军种越来越意识到,即使拥有无与伦比的国防预算,美国也无法继续试图通过逐步升级现有能力来维持对中国和俄罗斯在其邻近地区的主导军事地位。远程地对空导弹系统、不断改进的雷达和其他传感器技术,以及远程反使能导弹系统,对中国来说,生产成本要比美国便宜得多。几十年来的空中力量优势,已经成为北约行动计划的关键,正在被竞争对手逐渐侵蚀,就中国而言,未来几十年的情况只会变得更糟。中国和俄罗斯研究了美国在空中作战中对加油机、大翼ISR和战术战斗机的依赖,并找到了成本效益高的方法,对这一系列能力施加了不可接受的风险。美国能力转变的第二个相关原因是,美国重新把重点放在了中国,而不是俄罗斯,将其视为美军主要的长期对等威胁。太平洋战区的需求以及中国作为潜在的空中和海上挑战者可以越来越多地投射(或创造)有争议的和高度有争议的空域的距离,要求新的和不同的作战方法,而不是与俄罗斯的情况
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引用次数: 0
Acknowledgements 致谢
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-02 DOI: 10.1080/02681307.2018.1696555
P. Roberts, Jack Watling, Sidharth Kaushal
I would like to thank the many officers in the Royal Air Force, United States Air Force, Armée de l’Air and Luftwaffe who have been so generous with their time, experiences and patience with my many questions over the last five years. I would also like to thank my colleagues in the Military Sciences team at RUSI, especially Peter Roberts, for supporting this project, and Jack Watling and Sidharth Kaushal, for always being willing to talk through and lend their expertise on thorny topics, often at considerable length. Finally, I would like to thank my partner Melanie Thienard for her love and encouragement.
我要感谢英国皇家空军、美国空军、空军和德国空军的许多军官,他们在过去五年里为我的许多问题付出了大量的时间、经验和耐心。我还要感谢我在RUSI军事科学团队的同事,特别是Peter Roberts,感谢他们支持这个项目,感谢Jack Watling和Sidharth Kaushal,感谢他们总是愿意就棘手的话题进行深入的讨论,并提供他们的专业知识,通常是相当长的篇幅。最后,我要感谢我的伴侣Melanie Thienard的爱和鼓励。
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引用次数: 0
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