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A Country of Defiance: Mapping the Casamance in Senegal. By Mark W. Deets. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2023 反抗之国:塞内加尔卡萨芒斯地图。马克-W-迪茨著。雅典:俄亥俄大学出版社,2023 年
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2259
Ezenwa E. Olumba
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引用次数: 0
Responding to Fait Accompli: Lessons from Crimea 应对 "既成事实":克里米亚的教训
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2180
Lan Di Ngo
This article focuses on the nuanced decision-making process of Ukrainian leaders in the wake of Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea. Utilizing primary sources, including transcripts of Ukraine's cabinet meeting, it seeks to explain why Kiev refrained from employing coercive means to immediately retake Crimea following the fait accompli. The analysis reveals that decisions in such scenarios are typically influenced by a complex interplay of perceived territorial value and the strategic advantages of restraint. It also argues that fait accompli strategies can be strikingly effective when carried out with agility and minimal force, as demonstrated by Russia in Crimea. The findings offer a multifaceted understanding of the variables that shape state responses to territorial aggression, contributing to the broader discourse on territorial conflicts and deterrence.
本文重点探讨了乌克兰领导人在 2014 年俄罗斯吞并克里米亚后的微妙决策过程。文章利用包括乌克兰内阁会议记录在内的原始资料,试图解释在既成事实发生后,基辅为何没有采用胁迫手段立即夺回克里米亚。分析表明,在这种情况下做出的决定通常会受到所认知的领土价值和克制的战略优势之间复杂的相互作用的影响。分析还认为,既成事实战略如果能以最低限度的武力灵活实施,就能取得惊人的效果,俄罗斯在克里米亚就证明了这一点。研究结果从多方面揭示了影响国家应对领土侵略的各种变量,有助于更广泛地讨论领土冲突和威慑问题。
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引用次数: 0
Engagement with Radical Propaganda drives Cognitive Radicalization: An Analysis of a Right-Wing Online Ecosystem 参与激进宣传推动认知激进化:右翼网络生态系统分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2160
Julius B Calvert
Cognitive radicalization remains an issue for communities battling terrorism. Recent empirical investigations into the psycho-social processes involved with radicalization have revealed social exclusion, cognitive inflexibility, and perceived threats to an ingroup as significant predictors for one’s propensity to engage with radical content and commit to offline behaviors. This study investigates the utility of user engagement and the proxy effect on cognitive radicalization by examining users’ engagement with a radical-right online ecosystem. The study supported the assumption that content featuring outgroup prejudice would affect the cognitive radicalization process. Several results demonstrate the importance of user engagement in the process of radicalization. In this analysis, they support an engagement-dependent framework where individual posts carry higher radicalization likelihoods based on the amount of user engagement they receive. These findings have an implication for future research into a user’s behavioral trajectories, from viewing and engaging with content to joining a radical group or committing offline violence against their communities and perceived outgroups.
认知激进化仍然是反恐社区面临的一个问题。最近对激进化所涉及的社会心理过程进行的实证调查显示,社会排斥、认知不灵活和对内聚群体的感知威胁是预测一个人参与激进内容和线下行为倾向的重要因素。本研究通过研究用户参与激进右翼网络生态系统的情况,探讨了用户参与的效用以及对认知激进化的替代效应。研究支持这样的假设,即带有外群体偏见的内容会影响认知激进化过程。一些结果表明了用户参与在激进化过程中的重要性。在这一分析中,他们支持参与度依赖框架,即根据用户参与度的高低,单个帖子具有更高的激进化可能性。这些发现对未来研究用户的行为轨迹(从观看和参与内容到加入激进组织或对其社区和认为的外群体实施离线暴力)具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Deter, Disrupt, or Deceive: Assessing Cyber Conflict as an Intelligence Contest, Robert Chesney and Max Smeets, Eds. Georgetown University Press, 2023 威慑、破坏或欺骗:评估作为情报竞赛的网络冲突》,Robert Chesney 和 Max Smeets 编辑,乔治敦大学出版社,2023 年。乔治敦大学出版社,2023 年
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2258
Chris Bronk,
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引用次数: 0
Quarrelsome Siblings – The Relationship Between Special Operations and Conventional Forces 爱吵架的兄妹--特种作战部队与常规部队之间的关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2171
Anna M. Gielas
The relationship between U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF) and Conventional Forces (CF) has historically been challenging, leading to mission failures and the loss of lives. An unprecedented integration of the two forces was seen following 9/11 during Operations Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. This article investigates whether this intimate collaboration in Afghanistan and Iraq improved relations between SOF and CF. Drawing from a sample of 48 master’s theses authored by U.S. officers on the topic of SOF–CF integration from 1994 to 2018, this article documents a deterioration in the relationship between the two forces and identifies four underlying causes. It suggests how military leaders and decisionmakers should approach this challenging inter-force relationship.
美国特种作战部队(SOF)与常规部队(CF)之间的关系历来充满挑战,导致任务失败和人员伤亡。9/11 事件后,在 "持久自由行动 "和 "伊拉克自由行动 "期间,两支部队进行了前所未有的整合。本文研究了在阿富汗和伊拉克的亲密合作是否改善了特种部队与常规部队之间的关系。本文从 1994 年至 2018 年期间美国军官撰写的 48 篇以 SOF-CF 整合为主题的硕士论文中抽取样本,记录了两支部队之间关系的恶化,并找出了四个根本原因。文章建议军事领导者和决策者应如何处理这种具有挑战性的部队间关系。
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引用次数: 0
Bukele’s Formula for Terrorism 布凯莱的恐怖主义公式
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2186
Yovani E Chavez Rodriguez
The Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and the Mara Barrio 18 (18thStreet Gang) are two of the most notorious Maras. Their army-sized membership and extraordinary levels of brutality once led them to commit more murders than the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), Boko Haram, and Al Qaeda. Currently, their activities have expanded to the United States, Latin America, Europe, and Africa. While they are undoubtedly terrorist organizations, Bukele’s formula has proven effective in combating them. Nonetheless, Bukele’s government needs to implement measures to effectively counteract terrorism without affecting the rule of law, transparency, and the respect of human rights.
马拉-萨尔瓦特鲁查(MS-13)和马拉-巴里奥 18(18 街帮)是两个最臭名昭著的马拉帮。他们拥有庞大的成员队伍,残暴程度超乎寻常,所犯下的谋杀案曾超过伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国(ISIL)、博科圣地(Boko Haram)和基地组织(Al Qaeda)。目前,他们的活动已扩展到美国、拉丁美洲、欧洲和非洲。虽然这些组织无疑都是恐怖组织,但布凯莱的方案已被证明能有效打击它们。尽管如此,布凯莱政府仍需采取措施,在不影响法治、透明度和尊重人权的前提下有效打击恐怖主义。
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引用次数: 0
The Palestinian Divide: Origins and Implications of Palestinian Rejectionism 巴勒斯坦分裂:巴勒斯坦拒绝主义的起源和影响
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2199
Martin S. Widzer
In what is likely to amount to nothing more than a pyrrhic victory, Hamas’ October 2023 infiltration into Israel and subsequent assault will be greeted as a heroic act of resistance in some sectors of Palestinian society. It will invoke dread and anger in others. Employing a genealogical approach, this paper explores the effects of sectarian infighting over ideology, tactics, and aims as a means to garner greater in-group support. In doing so, the paper demonstrates that it is not so much Israel that is the object of the Palestinian struggle, but rather the struggle between the Palestinian factions themselves.
哈马斯于 2023 年 10 月渗入以色列并随后发动袭击,在巴勒斯坦社会的某些阶层看来,这很可能只是一场惨败的胜利,是一次英勇的抵抗行动。在另一些人看来,这将引起恐惧和愤怒。本文采用系谱学的方法,探讨了教派内讧对意识形态、战术和目标的影响,并将其作为争取更多内部支持的一种手段。在此过程中,本文证明了巴勒斯坦斗争的对象并不是以色列,而是巴勒斯坦各派别之间的斗争。
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引用次数: 0
New Regionalism and Norm Creation: A Case of Shanghai Cooperation Organization 新地区主义与规范制定:上海合作组织案例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2184
Anadi Choudhari
This article delves into the evolution of international norms, focusing on the dynamics within Central Asia as a microcosm of broader global shifts. It begins by elucidating the concept of a "region" in international relations, emphasizing its multifaceted nature, both geographically and culturally, as well as its evolving character in the face of global transformations. The study then delineates the emergence of regionalism, encompassing the historical context of old and new regionalism, with a nuanced understanding of their continuities and distinctions. A pivotal point of analysis is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), whose genesis and transformation underscore the influence of new regional dynamics. The SCO's role as a tool for soft balancing against external hegemony, particularly that of the United States, is examined, highlighting its emphasis on shared norms that diverge from Western ideologies. The SCO's success in shaping normative preferences within Central Asia, particularly in promoting non-interference, state sovereignty, and stability, is contrasted with the efforts of Western institutions like the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which prioritize liberal democratic norms. The study concludes by elucidating the implications of these normative contestations in Central Asia for the broader international order.
本文深入探讨了国际准则的演变,重点关注中亚地区的动态,将其视为更广泛的全球变化的缩影。文章首先阐明了国际关系中 "地区 "的概念,强调了其在地理和文化上的多面性,以及在全球变革中不断演变的特点。然后,研究描述了区域主义的出现,包括新旧区域主义的历史背景,并对它们的连续性和区别有了细致入微的理解。分析的一个关键点是上海合作组织(SCO),其起源和转变凸显了新地区动态的影响。上海合作组织作为对抗外部霸权(尤其是美国的霸权)的软平衡工具,其强调的共同准则与西方意识形态不同。研究将上合组织在塑造中亚地区规范偏好方面的成功,尤其是在促进不干涉、国家主权和稳定方面的成功,与欧洲安全与合作组织(OSCE)等西方机构的努力形成对比,后者将自由民主规范放在首位。研究最后阐明了中亚地区这些规范性争论对更广泛国际秩序的影响。
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引用次数: 0
“Divergent Perspectives: A Comparative Review of ‘The Nuclear Club’ and ‘Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace’” "不同的视角:核俱乐部》与《核和平的输赢》比较评论"
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2261
Abhishek Verma
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引用次数: 0
Hybrid Warfare: How to Escape the Conceptual Gray-Zone 混合战争:如何摆脱概念灰区
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.17.1.2118
Borislav Bankov
Hybrid warfare (HW) is one of the most debated concepts in contemporary military science. While most scholars agree that HW is conducted in the gray-zone between war and peace, they define the phenomenon differently. This disagreement has resulted in a conceptual gray-zone. The lack of theoretical clarity is exacerbated by the fact that authors have coined additional security and defense concepts that are based on the idea of hybridity, such as hybrid peace and hybrid influence. This article examines the different views on HW and aims to offer a more precise framework for its analysis. To fulfill its objective, it addresses five questions: What makes HW “hybrid”? Which acts of aggression could not be categorized as HW? Is HW “warfare”? Is HW a new phenomenon? Why is HW so contested? The author argues that, due to conflicting opinions and various concepts linked to HW, scholars and policymakers must always clearly define the concept when using it. Without proper definition, the concept of HW can be misunderstood and has limited academic value. Thus, this article also starts a mapping exercise of the concepts in security and defense based on the idea of hybridity. Such mapping is almost non-existent at the moment.
混合战争(HW)是当代军事科学中争论最多的概念之一。虽然大多数学者都认为混合战争是在战争与和平之间的灰色地带进行的,但他们对这一现象的定义却不尽相同。这种分歧导致了概念上的灰色地带。一些学者根据混合性的概念提出了更多的安全和防御概念,如混合和平和混合影响,这加剧了理论上的不清晰。本文探讨了关于混合安全的不同观点,旨在为其分析提供一个更精确的框架。为实现这一目标,文章探讨了五个问题:是什么使 HW 成为 "混合"?哪些侵略行为不能归类为 HW?HW 是 "战争 "吗?HW 是一种新现象吗?人类战争为何如此有争议?作者认为,由于与 "战争 "相关的各种观点和概念相互冲突,学者和政策制定者在使用 "战争 "概念时必须始终明确其定义。如果没有正确的定义,家庭保健概念就会被误解,其学术价值也会受到限制。因此,本文也开始了基于混合性思想的安全与防御概念的映射工作。这种映射目前几乎不存在。
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Journal of Strategic Security
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