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Developing a Structured Analytical Model to Anticipate Social Movement National Security Threats 建立预测社会运动国家安全威胁的结构化分析模型
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2048
Brigit L Davis, A. Wenger
For most of the 2000s, experts assessed that social movements across the globe were increasingly engendering most of the threats nation-states faced internally and externally. These assessments and extensive literature on social movement use of social media underpinned a doctoral research effort that helped address a noted literature gap in predicting social movement threats via social media. The research results showed social movement themes are observable in social media content and, although not fully vetted, National Security practitioners can use these themes in a structured analytical model to assess the probability of a threat. This article provides an overview of the research and model in the dissertation Anticipating Social Movement National Security Threats: Social Media Content’s Potential in Developing a Structure Analytical Model.
在本世纪头十年的大部分时间里,专家们评估称,民族国家面临的内部和外部威胁,越来越多是由全球各地的社会运动造成的。这些评估和大量关于社会运动使用社交媒体的文献支持了博士研究工作,帮助解决了通过社交媒体预测社会运动威胁的显著文献差距。研究结果表明,社会运动主题在社交媒体内容中是可以观察到的,尽管没有得到充分审查,但国家安全从业人员可以在结构化分析模型中使用这些主题来评估威胁的可能性。本文概述了《预测社会运动国家安全威胁:社交媒体内容在发展结构分析模型中的潜力》一文的研究和模型。
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引用次数: 0
Police Primacy: Organizing Police Powers under the Palestinian Authority 警察至上:在巴勒斯坦权力机构下组织警察权力
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2014
Mikael Lohse
The Secretary of State established the Office of the United States Security Coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian Authority (USSC) in 2005 to meet U.S. commitments under the Middle East Roadmap for Peace. USSC’s vision is to strive for a civilian-controlled, self-sustaining, affordable, and accountable security structure, focused on “police primacy”, operating within the rule of law while providing necessary law enforcement to safeguard the Palestinian people. This vision is far from accomplished: Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces continue arbitrary detention, torture, and use of excessive force. This article examines the wide applicability of police powers – premised as the main reason for chaotic law enforcement activities within the PA’s security forces – agency by agency, and by considering both laws in force and proposed draft legislation. The article ends with recommendations to institutionalize police primacy by means of regulation.
国务卿于2005年设立了美国以色列和巴勒斯坦权力机构安全协调员办公室,以履行美国在中东和平路线图下的承诺。USSC的愿景是努力建立一个由文职人员控制、自我维持、负担得起和负责任的安全结构,重点是“警察至上”,在法治范围内运作,同时提供必要的执法来保护巴勒斯坦人民。这一愿景远未实现:巴勒斯坦权力机构(PA)安全部队继续任意拘留、酷刑和过度使用武力。本文逐一审查了警察权力的广泛适用性——前提是警察权力是巴勒斯坦权力机构安全部队内部执法活动混乱的主要原因——并考虑了现行法律和拟议立法草案。文章最后提出了通过监管将警察的首要地位制度化的建议。
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引用次数: 0
We Are Bellingcat: Global Crime, Online Sleuths, and the Bold Future of News. By Elliot Higgins, New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021. 我们是Bellingcat:全球犯罪、网络侦探和新闻的大胆未来。Elliot Higgins著,纽约:布鲁姆斯伯里出版社,2021年。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2060
John Sullivan
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引用次数: 4
Challenges in Mali, the Importance of Legitimate Governance in Combatting Terrorism and Violent Extremism 马里面临的挑战、合法治理对打击恐怖主义和暴力极端主义的重要性
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2009
G. Krieger
The Greater Sahel is one of the world’s most troubled regions. Within the region, Mali is the regional lynchpin and has been the focus of French efforts to eradicate terrorist groups. The essay seeks to answer the question, “Why has violence increased and terrorist cells continued to thrive in Mali despite international efforts?” Although the issue is more complicated and nuanced, corruption and poor governance are significant factors in increased violence. Local leaders focus on militarization and violent suppression to maintain control over larger cities while neglecting rural communities. These actions undermine the government’s legitimacy, exacerbated by rampant corruption. Secondary sources and conflict databases are utilized to provide quantitative analysis while also using a qualitative lens to factor in governance and engagement of the public, which are more challenging to measure. The essay provides an overview of the challenges, followed by a background of UN training missions in the Sahel and a cursory history and regional challenges. An analysis of the French withdrawal from Mali highlights the challenges of foreign governments. The conclusion provides suggestions for future missions in the region, focusing on governance, basic human rights, infrastructure, and essential services for the population.
大萨赫勒地区是世界上最麻烦的地区之一。在该地区,马里是该地区的关键,也是法国铲除恐怖组织努力的重点。这篇文章试图回答这样一个问题:“尽管国际社会做出了努力,为什么马里的暴力事件仍在增加,恐怖组织仍在继续猖獗?”尽管这个问题更加复杂和微妙,但腐败和治理不善是暴力事件增加的重要因素。地方领导人专注于军事化和暴力镇压,以保持对大城市的控制,而忽视了农村社区。这些行为破坏了政府的合法性,腐败猖獗加剧了这种合法性。二级来源和冲突数据库用于提供定量分析,同时也使用定性视角来考虑治理和公众参与,这更难衡量。本文概述了这些挑战,然后介绍了联合国在萨赫勒地区的培训任务背景,以及粗略的历史和区域挑战。对法国从马里撤军的分析突显了外国政府面临的挑战。结论为该地区未来的特派团提供了建议,重点是治理、基本人权、基础设施和为人民提供的基本服务。
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引用次数: 1
A Relationship of Pivots: Philippine-US Cooperation in a Changing World 支点关系:变化世界中的菲美合作
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2000
Adam W Greco
As one of the few nations in the world (and the only one in the vicinity of China) to be a former colony of the United States, the Philippines is in a unique position on the world stage. This article delineates the history of the complex relationship between the Philippines and the United States since the Spanish-American war while placing an emphasis on modern relations. Since its independence to the end of the Cold War, the Philippines was unequivocally an ally to the United States, though this did not stop tensions from mounting. As China's contemporary foreign policy fosters further amicability between it and the Philippines under the Belt and Road Initiative, this has given rise to worries of a potential pivot to China. Furthermore, hostile sentiments conveyed from certain facets of the Philippines’ leadership towards the United States accelerate these concerns. This article delves into the current relationship between the Philippines and the United States while outlining avenues for further cooperation via mutual benefit, particularly within the realm of developmental assistance.
作为世界上少数几个曾经是美国殖民地的国家之一(也是中国附近唯一的国家),菲律宾在世界舞台上处于独特的地位。本文描述了自美西战争以来菲律宾和美国之间复杂关系的历史,同时强调了现代关系。从独立到冷战结束,菲律宾一直是美国的明确盟友,尽管这并没有阻止紧张局势的加剧。随着中国当代外交政策在“一带一路”倡议下进一步促进中国与菲律宾之间的友好关系,这引发了人们对中国可能转向菲律宾的担忧。此外,菲律宾领导层某些方面对美国的敌意情绪加剧了这些担忧。本文深入探讨了菲律宾和美国之间的当前关系,同时概述了通过互利进一步合作的途径,特别是在发展援助领域。
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引用次数: 0
Geopolitics, Supply Chains, and International Relations in East Asia. Edited By Etel Solingen. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 东亚的地缘政治、供应链和国际关系。Etel Solingen编辑。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2059
D. Weng
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引用次数: 3
Armed Violence in the Llanos Orientales Region Following the Signing of the Peace Agreement with the FARC-EP in Colombia 与哥伦比亚哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民军签署和平协定后在东亚诺斯地区发生的武装暴力
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.2005
David Gómez Triana, J. Ríos
A fundamental aspect in the study of the Colombian armed conflict is related to the violence produced in the country after the signing of the Peace Agreement with the FARC-EP guerrillas in November 2016. To this end, we attempt to analyze the transformation of the relationship between the perpetrators of violence and their territory, taking as a case study a region particularly affected by the conflict, as is Llanos Orientales (known in English as the Eastern Plains). Starting with a preliminary characterization of the most relevant armed groups – post-paramilitary groups, FARC-EP dissidents and ELN guerrillas – we attempt to analyze the changes and continuities of their armed presence and the symbolic, structural and institutional aspects that explain their territorial distribution in this part of the country. In this way, the presence of the former FARC-EP and concurring factors such as the coca trade, oil industry and poverty are aspects that should be considered in order to understand the shifting geometry of violence.
研究哥伦比亚武装冲突的一个基本方面与2016年11月与哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民解放军游击队签署《和平协议》后该国发生的暴力事件有关。为此,我们试图分析暴力实施者与其领土之间关系的转变,将一个特别受冲突影响的地区作为案例研究,如Llanos Orientales(英语称为Eastern Plains)。从对最相关的武装团体——后准军事团体、哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民解放军持不同政见者和民族解放军游击队——的初步描述开始,我们试图分析他们武装存在的变化和持续性,以及解释他们在该国这一地区领土分布的象征性、结构性和制度性方面。通过这种方式,前哥伦比亚革命武装力量-人民军的存在以及古柯贸易、石油工业和贫困等共同因素是应该考虑的方面,以便了解暴力的几何结构的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Temporal Theory and US-China Relations 时间论与美中关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.1985
Ciwan M. Can
This article explains why existing great powers can engage in cooperative relations with rising great powers that fuel the rise of the latter into competitors. By adopting a temporal theoretical lens and providing an examination of US-China relations in the post-Cold War era, it is argued that uncertainty about Chinese long-term intentions, economic benefits from cooperation, and the existence of other clear and imminent challenges to address incentivized the US to adopt a cooperative policy towards China. Assertive moves by China from the late 2000s onwards that the United States perceived to be indications of long-term malign intentions, the emergence of economic competition, and the fading of other challenges to US interests by the 2010s, removed these incentives for engagement and consequently led to a change from cooperative to competitive policies. This article is aimed to address the crucial questions of why the United States helped accelerate the rise of China into a peer competitor, and why that policy has changed to one in which the United States now has engaged in strategic competition with China.
这篇文章解释了为什么现有的大国可以与正在崛起的大国建立合作关系,从而推动后者崛起为竞争对手。通过采用时间理论视角并对后冷战时期的中美关系进行考察,本文认为,中国长期意图的不确定性、合作带来的经济利益以及其他需要解决的明确和迫在眉睫的挑战的存在,激励了美国对中国采取合作政策。从2000年代末开始,中国的强硬举动被美国视为长期恶意意图的迹象,经济竞争的出现,以及到2010年代对美国利益的其他挑战的消退,消除了这些接触的动机,从而导致了从合作政策到竞争政策的转变。这篇文章的目的是解决一些关键的问题,为什么美国帮助加速了中国的崛起,使其成为一个势均力敌的竞争对手,以及为什么美国的政策已经转变为现在与中国进行战略竞争。
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引用次数: 0
Balancing Grand Strategy for America to Offset Thucydides’s Trap with China 平衡美国与中国的大战略以抵消修昔底德陷阱
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.1983
Anubhav Goswami
China’s vastly increased economic and military might has alarmed the United States about sustaining its relative power in the world. Observing the growing influence of Beijing in the international world order, experts of ‘great power competition’ are now asking: What will be the reaction of the United States once China achieves parity or even comes close to achieving parity with Washington?As could be expected from its nature, the question has generated sharp polarising viewpoints but none has spawned more interest and controversy than Harvard Professor Graham T. Allison’s ‘Thucydides’ Trap’ discourse which argues that China’s spectacular rise could lead to a violent yet avoidable war with the United States along the lines of previous conflicts between a rulingpower and a risingpower. This study describes that if the United States continues to pursue its hegemonic grand strategy, it will accelerate the conflict which might trigger the Thucydides’ trap with China. The aim and objective of this study is to recommend a revision in the United States grand strategy from hegemony to a ‘balancing’ strategy to reduce the risk of strategic rivalry with China turning into a full-blown war.
中国大幅增强的经济和军事实力让美国对维持其在世界上的相对实力感到担忧。观察到北京在国际世界秩序中日益增长的影响力,“大国竞争”专家们现在在问:一旦中国实现平等,甚至接近与华盛顿实现平等,美国会有什么反应?正如从本质上可以预期的那样,这个问题已经产生了尖锐的两极分化的观点,但没有一个比哈佛大学教授Graham T。Allison的“修昔底德陷阱”论述认为,中国的惊人崛起可能会导致与美国的暴力但可以避免的战争,就像以前统治大国和崛起大国之间的冲突一样。这项研究表明,如果美国继续推行其霸权大战略,将加速可能引发修昔底德陷阱的与中国的冲突。本研究的目的和目的是建议将美国的大战略从霸权修改为“平衡”战略,以降低与中国的战略竞争演变为全面战争的风险。
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引用次数: 0
The New Map: Energy, Climate, and the Clash of Nations by Daniel Yergin, Penguin Books, 2021. 《新地图:能源、气候和国家冲突》,丹尼尔·耶金著,企鹅出版社,2021年版。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.2030
M. Peters
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Strategic Security
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